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AMERICAN  RELATIONS 

IN  THE 

PACIFIC  AND  THE  FAR  EAST 

1784-1900 


8441     8 . 


"  The  story  of  America  in  the  Pacific  grandly  deserves  a  volume.  .  .  .  For  over  a  cen- 
tury we  have  had  an  army  of  pioneers  who  scarcely  dreamed  of  the  magnitude  of  the  move- 
ment they  were  leading." —  H^m.  E.  Griffis. 

"  No  one  can  behold  the  silent  and  persevering  efforts  of  our  countrymen  in  the  Pacific 
without  a  feeling  of  pride  and  exultation." — R.J.  Cleveland,  1843. 


"  To  every  lover  of  his  country,  as  well  as  to  those  more  immediately  concerned  in  com- 
merce, it  must  be  a  pleasing  reflection,  that  a  communication  is  thus  happily  opened  between 
us  and  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  globe." — Samuel  Shaw,  ijSS- 

"  On  the  whole,  it  must  be  a  satisfactory  consideration  to  every  American,  that  his  country 
can  carry  on  its  commerce  with  China  under  advantages,  if  not  in  many  respects  superior, 
yet  in  all  cases  equal,  to  those  possessed  by  other  people." — Ibid.,  lySy. 

"  The  future  history  of  the  world  must  be  achieved  in  the  East." —  IV.  H.  Trescot,  1841). 

"  Who  does  not  see  then,  that  every  year  hereafter,  European  commerce,  European 
politics,  European  thought  and  European  activity,  although  actually  gaining  force,  and 
European  connections  although  actually  becoming  more  intimate,  will,  nevertheless,  sink  in 
importance;  while  the  Pacific  ocean,  its  shores,  its  islands  and  the  vast  region  beyond  will 
become  the  chief  theatre  of  events  in  the  world's  great  hereafter." — Senator  Seward,  r8S2- 

"  Expansion  seems  to  be  recognized,  not  by  the  difficulties  of  resistance,  but  by  the  moder- 
ation which  results  from  our  own  internal  constitution.  .  .  .  Commerce  has  brought  the 
ancient  continents  near  to  us,  and  created  necessities  for  new  positions — perhaps  connections 
or  colonies  there — and,  with  the  trade  and  friendship  of  the  elder  nations,  their  conflicts  and 
collisions  are  brought  to  our  doors  and  to  our  hearts.  .  .  .  Even  prudence  will  soon  be 
required  to  decide  whether  distant  regions,  either  east  or  west,  shall  come  under  our  pro- 
tection, or  be  left  to  aggrandize  a  rapidly  spreading  and  hostile  domain  of  despotism." — 
>f.  H.  Seward,  1852. 


Series  XIX  Nos.  1-3 

JOHNS  HOPKINS  UNIVERSITY  STUDIES 

IN 

Historical  and   Political  Science 

HERBERT  B.  ADAMS,  Editor 


History  is  past  Politics  and  Politics  are  present  History. — Freeman 


AMERICAN  RELATIONS 


IN  THE 


PACIFIC  AND  THE  FAR  EAST 

1 784- 1 900 
By  JAMES  MORTON  CALLAHAN,  Ph.  D. 


BALTIMORE 

THE  JOHNS  HOPKINS  PRESS 

JANUARY-MARCH,  1901 


62146 


Copyright  1901,  by 
JOHNS  HOPKINS  PRESS 


Z^t  JSorft  OS^afitmore  (pttee 

THE  FRIEDENWALD  COMPANY 
BALTIMORE,  MD.,  U.  S.  A. 


^  PREFACE 

Qi  The  following  chapters  on  the  origin  and  evolution  of 
American  enterprise  and  policy  in  the  Pacific  and  the  Far 
East  are  the  outgrowth  of  a  course  of  lectures  delivered  by 
the  author  in  1899- 1900,  before  graduate  students  in  the 
department  of  history  and  politics  of  the  Johns  Hopkins 
University. 

Lectures  treating  of  the  relations  of  the  United  States 
with  Alaska  and  Behring  Sea,  Transandine  America,  and 
isthmian  transit  routes  have  been  reserved  for  publication 
elsewhere. 

For  facilitating  my  investigations  at  Washington,  D.  C, 
my  sincere  acknowledgments  are  due  to  Mr.  Andrew  H. 
Allen,  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library  of  the  De- 
partment of  State,  and  Messrs.  A.  P.  C,  Griffin,  Chief  Bibli- 
ographer, and  Hugh  A.  Morrison,  of  the  Library  of  Con- 
gress. For  encouragement  in  this  and  other  fields  of  re- 
search, I  am  under  obligation  to  Professor  Herbert  B. 
Adams,  of  Johns  Hopkins  University. 


James  Morton  Callahan. 


Johns  Hopkins  University, 
Jan.  I,  I  go  I. 


CONTENTS 


Introduction    .......... 

I. — Pioneers  in  Trade  and  Discovery  :  Early  Commercial 

Enterprises  between  the  American  Coast  and  China 
II. — Occupation  of  Madison  Island  in  the  War  of  1812 
III. — Early  American  Interests  on  the  Pacific  Coast 
IV. — Early   Relations   of   Whalers    and    Traders    with   the 
Natives  ...... 

V. — The  United  States  Exploring  Expedition,  1839-43 
VI. — Colonial  Establishments 
VII. — Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient 
Japan       ..... 

China      ..... 

Corea       ..... 

VIII. — Americanization  of  Hawaii   . 
IX. — Relations  in  Samoa 
X.^ — Occupation  of  the  Philippines 
Appendix         ...... 

Index     ....... 


13 
25 
30 

37 

49 
60 

72 
72 

84 
III 
114 

135 
149 
165 
175 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  Pacific — the  sea  of  Eastern  legends — upon  whose 
warm  currents  unwilling  emigrants  were  carried  to  primeval 
America,  and  a  place  of  interest  and  excitement  which 
Europe  long  hoped  to  reach  by  some  passage  across  the 
American  continent/  for  over  a  century  has  mirrored  upon 
its  waves  the  silent  and  persevering  efforts  of  American 

'  The  Pacific  was  unknown  to  Europeans  when  Columbus  sailed 
in  search  of  the  Indies  in  1492,  and  when  England  sought  a  north- 
west passage  in  1497.  It  was  first  seen  by  Balboa  from  an  eminence 
on  the  Isthmus  of  Darien;  and  after  the  remarkable  voyage  of 
Magellan,  in  1520,  the  "  South  Sea  "  became  a  place  of  interest  and 
excitement.  England,  through  the  influence  of  her  daring  buc- 
caneers who  appeared  on  the  scene,  friends  to  the  sea,  but  foes  to 
all  on  its  waves,  soon  rose  like  a  sleeping  leviathan  to  rule  the 
deep.  The  Cape  of  Good  Hope  route  to  the  Indies  was  found  to 
be  better  than  that  by  Cape  Horn,  but  the  idea  of  cutting  a  canal 
through  the  Isthmus  was  early  suggested,  and  the  hope  of  a  wes- 
tern passage  to  the  Indies  did  not  finally  die  out  for  many  years. 
The  English,  in  the  days  of  Gilbert,  had  visions  of  reaching  the 
Pacific  by  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  early  settlers  of  Jamestown 
sailed  up  the  Chickahominy  with  the  same  thought.  Fictitious 
ideas  of  wealth  to  be  obtained  in  the  South  Pacific  resulted  in  the 
"  South  Sea  Bubble  "  and  were  soon  afterwards  dispelled  by  voy- 
ages of  Wallis,  Carteret  and  later  explorers.  While  the  conflict 
with  her  American  colonies  was  in  progress,  England  was  putting 
forth  efforts  to  control  the  commerce  of  the  Northwest  coast.  In 
1776,  Captain  James  Cook  was  sent  to  explore  the  coast  and,  after 
discovering  the  Sandwich  Islands,  landed  at  Nootka  sound  in  1778. 
He  then  sailed  through  Behring  Straits,  and  returned  to  the 
Sandwich  Islands.  All  previous  voyagers  had  sailed  along  the 
coast  of  South  America  to  Panama  or  California,  and  then  across 
the  Pacific  to  the  south  of  the  Sandwich  Islands.  Cook  did  not 
confine  himself  to  former  tracks,  but  made  accurate  surveys  of  his 
own  route  for  the  use  of  subsequent  voyagers.  Besides  the  Sand- 
wich Islands  he  visited  the  Friendly  and  Society  islands,  and  New 
Zealand.  He  wrote  of  his  discoveries  along  luxuriant  isles  and 
picturesque  shores  where  perfumes  were  borne  on  every  breeze, 
and  Vancouver  and  many  other  explorers  followed. 


10        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [10 

citizens  who,  trained  in  the  school  of  hardships,  seeking 
new  fields  of  daring  adventure,  romance  or  maritime  enter- 
prise, were  the  pioneers  in  discovering  safe  paths  and  har- 
bors, and  in  obtaining  commercial  knowledge  of  the  Pacific, 
which  led  the  way  for  American  influence  in  the  Far  East. 

Its  waters  were  navigated  by  American  trading  vessels 
soon  after  the  Revolution.  In  1784,  the  Empress  of  China, 
fitted  out  at  New  York,  reached  Canton  laden  with  ginseng. 
Other  vessels  were  soon  fitted  out  in  Boston,  to  engage  in 
trade  between  China  and  the  Northwest  coast — in  which 
Jefferson  showed  a  lively  interest.  The  number  of  vessels 
engaged  in  trade,  or  in  pursuing  the  sperm  whale,  soon 
increased  rapidly.  Though  the  danger  from  French  priva- 
teers in  1778,  the  seizures  by  Spanish  authorities  at  Val- 
paraiso in  1800,  the  embargo  of  1807,  the  acts  of  Peruvian 
corsairs  before  181 3,'  and  the  effects  of  the  War  of  1812,' 
were  depressing  in  their  effects  on  enterprise,  after  181 5 
American  commerce  and  fisheries  in  the  Pacific  were  re- 
newed with  vigor  and  continued  to  increase. 

During  the  Spanish-American  revolution,  the  influence 
of  American  sailors  played  no  unimportant  part  along  the 
coasts  west  of  the  Andes.  Even  at  that  early  date,  a  United 
States  consul  at  Manila,  under  instructions  from  Monroe, 
was  studying  the  conditions  in  the  Philippines,  and  report- 
ing on  the  prospects  for  American  trade  there.  In  mid- 
ocean,  the  natives  were  gradually  introduced  to  the  virtues 
of  a  higher  civilization,  whose  vices,  also,  they  often  saw. 

As  commerce  with   the  islands  and  the   Far   East   in- 


°  In  April,  1813,  J.  R.  Poinsett,  sent  to  remonstrate  against  the 
acts  of  the  Peruvian  corsairs,  directed  the  Chilean  army  in  a  suc- 
cessful attack  upon  the  Limian  forces. 

*  During  the  War  of  1812  many  American  whalers  in  the  Pacific 
were  captured  and  burned  or  turned  into  British  transports.  The 
island  of  Nantucket  alone  lost  twenty-seven  ships.  Captain  David 
Porter,  entering  the  Pacific  to  protect  American  interests,  de- 
stroyed a  number  of  British  whalers,  and  occupied  Madison  Island 
as  a  United  States  naval  and  supply  station,  but  was  finally  de- 
feated by  the  British  near  the  harbor  of  Valparaiso. 


11]  Introduction.  11 

creased/  the  necessity  of  some  national  protection  and 
supervision  °  induced  the  American  government,  after  182^, 
to  keep  a  naval  squadron  in  the  Pacific."  It  was  the  interest 
of  the  entire  nation  to  preserve  friendly  relations  with  the 
islands,  prevent  the  evils  growing  out  of  desertions  and 
mutinies,  investigate  the  irregular  conduct  of  libertines  who 
were  so  far  removed  from  the  arms  of  the  civil  law,  and 
make  surveys  and  charts  that  would  lessen  the  dangers  of 
shipwreck.'  In  1831  the  Potomac  was  sent  to  the  coast  oi 
distant  Sumatra  to  retaliate  upon  the  natives  of  Quallah 
Battoo  for  their  outrageous  seizure  of  an  American  trading 
vessel.  For  the  purpose  of  protecting  and  extending  com- 
merce with  the  East,  Edmund  Roberts,  a  sea-captain,  was 
sent  in  1832  to  negotiate  treaties  and  obtain  safe  ports. 
After  much  discussion  and  delay  the  United  States  Explor- 
ing Expedition,  projected  by  J.  N.  Reynolds  and  others, 
was  organized  under  Captain  Wilkes,  and  from  1839  to 
1841  examined  many  parts  of  the  Pacific,  sailing  far  toward 
the  south  polar  regions  and  northward  to  the  Sandwich 
Islands  and  Oregon. 

py  the  settlement  of  Oregon  and  the  acquisition  of  Cali- 
fornia, the  United  States  became  almost  a  neighbor  to  Rus- 
sia, Japan  and  China,  and  an  arbiter  in  the  affairs  of  the 
Pacific,  the  sea  of  great  and  increasing  activity.  With  her 
keels  plowing  the  waves  of  the  Polynesian  world,  and  the 
western  waters  of  the  Pacific,  she  soon  renewed  her  efforts 
to  open  the  gates  of  the  stubbornly  exclusive  Orient  to  the 
commerce  of  the  West,  increased  her  interest  in  the  Sand- 

*  By  1829  there  were  about  100  United  States  vessels  calling  at 
the  Hawaiian  Islands  in  a  period  of  12  months,  with  a  tonnage  of 
3500  and  valued  at  $5,000,000. 

*  Benjamin  Rodman,  of  New  Bedford,  writing  J.  N.  Reynolds, 
June  II,  1836,  suggested  that  a  superintending  influence  over  "our 
marine  colonies  "  was  just  as  important  as  the  establishment  of 
governments  and  law  in  our  territories. 

'  During  the  South  American  revolt  the  United  States  had  kept 
a  small  squadron  on  the  west  coast  of  Chile  and  Peru. 

'  The  log-books  of  American  whalers  were  a  valuable  source  of 
information. 


12        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [12 

wich  Islands  where  conditions  after  1850  were  preparing 
the  way  for  a  voluntary  ofifer  of  annexation,  took  steps  to 
protect  American  rights  to  the  Guano  Islands,  contem- 
plated the  establishment  of  distant  naval  and  coaling  sta- 
tions, conducted  explorations  along  the  eastern  coasts  of 
Asia  and  in  the  Northern  Pacific,  and  threatened  to  bom- 
bard the  delinquent  Fijis. 

The  Pacific  felt  the  thrill  of  awakening  life,  and  gradually 
our  back  gardens  beyond  the  Cordilleras  became  front  ter- 
races. In  1867  a  regular  line  of  steamer  service  was  estab- 
lished between  San  Francisco  and  the  Asia  coast.  Soon 
afterward,  Seward,  who  had  watched  the  growing  import- 
ance of  "  the  historic  sea  of  the  future,"  purchased  Alaska 
and  the  Aleutian  Islands  and  brought  us  within  45  miles  of 
Russia  and  700  miles  of  Japan. 

The  policy  of  acquiring  distant  islands  naturally  evolved 
with  the  course  of  events.  The  determination  to  allow  no 
territorial  control  which  would  cut  Hawaii  adrift  from  the 
American  system  developed  into  the  policy  of  annexation. 
The  desire  to  hold  a  naval  station  at  Pango  Pango,  led  to 
participation,  first,  in  a  tripartite  international  convention 
for  the  neutrality  and  government  of  the  Samoan  Islands, 
and  finally,  in  an  agreement  for  partition.  The  logic  of 
history  and  the  exigencies  and  incidents  of  the  humani- 
tarian war  of  intervention  to  end  Spanish  misrule  in  Cuba, 
increasing  American  opportunity,  duty  and  responsibility, 
resulted  in  the  acquisition  of  the  Philippines  and  other 
islands. 

The  United  States  has  now  become  a  leading  power  in 
international  politics,  with  increased  means  for  the  ac- 
complishment of  her  beneficent  mission  in  the  Pacific  and 
the  Far  East. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PIONEERS  IN  TRADE  AND  DISCOVERY. 

Early  Commercial  Enterprises  Between  the 
American  Coast  and  China. 

Maritime  enterprise  was  one  of  the  earliest  characteris- 
tics of  the  American  people.  The  colonists  soon  had  many 
trading  vessels.  The  early  settlers,  becoming  accustomed 
to  work,  privations  and  frugal  habits,  were  led  to  daring 
enterprise  and  determination  to  secure  wealth.  The  spirit 
of  our  fathers  on  the  waves  among  the  fisheries  was  one 
cause  of  the  envy  that  resulted  in  wars  between  England 
and  France  and  America.  In  1775  Burke  said  there  was 
no  climate  that  was  not  witness  to  their  toil,  and  no  sea  but 
what  was  vexed  by  their  fisheries  "  among  the  tumbling 
mountains  of  ice  .  .  .  beneath  the  Arctic  circle,  into  the 
opposite  region  of  the  polar  cold,  on  the  coast  of  Africa, 
and  along  the  coasts  of  Brazil."  In  the  school  of  hardships, 
the  Americans  had  even  become  able  to  capture  the  ves- 
sels of  the  British  during  the  Revolution.  American  pri- 
vateers, by  prolonging  the  conflict  on  the  waves,  made  suc- 
cess possible. 

No  sooner  had  the  war  closed  than  American  merchants, 
seeking  to  be  among  the  first  to  engage  in  direct  trade  with 
the  Far  East,  fitted  out  vessels  to  sail  the  Pacific.^  The 
American  flag  first  appeared  at  Canton,  China,  during  the 
"  Canton  War,"  in  1784,  upon  the  Empress  of  China,  which, 


^  There  had  been  an  early  American  trade  with  China,  via  Brit- 
ish vessels,  tea  being  received  in  return  for  ginseng,  which  was 
purchased  from  New  England  Indians  who  received  their  pay  in 
money,  calico  and  trinkets. 


14       American  Relat  the  I'-ciAc  and  Far  East.      [14 

having  been  fitted  ou  i  trade  by  Daniel  Parker 

&  Co.,  sailed  from  K  Strait  of  Sunda,  in  Feb- 

ruary of  that  year,  laden  with  ginseng."  Samuel  Shaw,  the 
supercargo  of  the  Empress,  was  appointed  consul  to  Canton 
in  1786.  At  that  time,  John  Ledyard,  of  Connecticut,  who 
had  accompanied  Captain  Cook  around  the  world,  and 
now  desired  to  engage  in  trade  with  the  Northwest  coast  and 
Canton,'  was  at  Paris  talking. with  Jeflferson,  at  whose  sug- 
gestion he  undertook  to  go,  via  Russia,  Siberia  and 
Kamschatka,   to    explore   the   western   part   of   America.* 

*  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  U.  S.,  1783-89,  vol.  vii. 
Samuel  Shaw  to  John  Jay,  May  19,  1785. 

Major  Shaw  wrote  a  full  account  of  his  relations  with  China 
and  Batavia.  [Josiah  Quincy:  Journals  of  Major  Samuel  Shaw  .  .  . 
with  a  life  of  the  author.  Boston,  1847.  360  pp.]  Soon  after 
reaching  China  on  his  first  voyage,  he  had  occasion  to  cooperate 
with  the  British,  who  had  so  recently  been  our  enemies  in  war. 
A  British  gunner,  while  firing  a  salute,  killed  a  Chinaman.  The 
Chinese  officials  asked  the  delivery  of  the  gunner,  and,  failing  in 
their  demand,  they  finally  seized  Mr.  Smith,  the  supercargo  of  the 
British  vessel.  The  Europeans  unanimously  agreed  to  make  com- 
mon cause,  and  the  Americans  joined.  Shaw,  at  the  request  of 
the  British,  ordered  his  vessel  to  Canton  to  help  enforce  the  de- 
mand for  the  release  of  the  supercargo,  and  was  the  last  to  leave. 
The  British  submitted,  however,  and  agreed  to  deliver  the  gunner. 
The  harmony  maintained  between  the  Americans  and  the  British 
was  particularly  noticeable  by  the  French,  who  had  been  our 
recent  allies.  After  his  return  to  New  York  in  May,  1785,  Shaw 
wrote  John  Jay,  the  United  States  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs. 
an  account  of  his  voyage.  He  soon  received  a  reply  which  stated 
that  Congress  felt  "  a  peculiar  satisfaction  in  the  successful  issue 
of  the  first  effort  of  the  citizens  of  America  to  establish  direct  trade 
with  China."  After  he  returned  to  Canton,  in  January,  1787,  as  the 
first  American  consul  to  China,  he  wrote  Jay  a  long  letter  in  which 
he  said:  "On  the  whole,  it  must  be  a  satisfactory  consideration 
to  every  American,  that  his  country  can  carry  on  its  commerce 
with  China  under  advantages,  if  not  in  many  respects  superior,  yet 
in  all  cases  equal,  to  those  possessed  by  other  people." 

'Jared  Sparks:  Life  of  John  Ledyard.  Jefferson's  Works,  vol. 
i,  p.  68. 

*  On  returning  to  America  in  1782,  he  had  induced  Robert  Mor- 
ris to  take  an  active  interest  in  the  northwest  trade,  and  to  begin 
to  fit  out  a  vessel,  but  Morris  finally  abandoned  the  enterprise  on 
account  of  pecuniary  embarrassments. 


15]  Pioneers  scovery.  15 

Failing  to  receive  the  ^  ;  Empress  of  Russia, 

but  still  hoping  to  be  "  the  first  circumambulator  of  the 
earth,"  with  "  only  two  shirts  and  yet  more  shirts  than  shil- 
lings," he  continued  his  journey  eastward  over  Siberia  until 
he  was  arrested  when  within  200  miles  of  Kamschatka. 
Jefferson  already  saw  the  commercial  and  political  signifi- 
cance of  the  region,  and  had  received  impressions  which 
later  led  to  the  expedition  of  Lewis  and  Clarke,  who  were 
sent  to  determine  whether  the  Missouri  and  Columbia 
rivers  would  afford  a  practicable  route  to  the  Pacific. 

In  1787,  the  Canton  (Capt.  Thos.  Truxton),  the  old  Alli- 
ance (Capt.  John  Reed),  and  no  less  than  three  other  vessels 
were  engaged  in  the  China  trade.  In  the  same  year, 
shrewd  New  England  merchants,  seeking  new  fields  of 
commerce  between  the  Northwest  coast  and  Canton,  also 
sent  the  Columbia  (Captain  Kendrick)  and  the  sloop  Lady 
Washington  (Captain  Gray)  to  the  vacant  lands  south  of  the 
Straits  of  Fuca  to  trade,  explore,  buy  lands  of  the  natives 
and  build  stores  and  forts.  The  captains  were  provided 
with  sea  letters  issued  by  the  United  States  Government, 
passports  by  Massachusetts,  and  letters  of  recommendation 
from  the  Spanish  plenipotentiary  in  the  United  States.  The 
vessels  became  separated  in  a  storm,  after  rounding  Cape 
Horn  (January,  1788).  The  Washington  reached  Nootka 
sound  on  September  17,  1788,  a  few  days  before  the 
Columbia,  and  spent  the  winter  there.  In  the  following  sum- 
mer she  sailed  northward,  and  Gray  saw  islands  which  he 
named  Washington  Islands  in  honor  of  George  Washing- 
ton. They  had  already  been  called  Prince  Edward's  Islands 
by  the  British,  and  are  now  known  as  the  Charlotte  group. 
Captain  Kendrick  afterward  took  command  of  the  Wash- 
ington to  sail  with  Captain  William  Douglas,  of  the  Grace.^ 

The  Columbia,  by  her  appearance  in  the  Pacific,  "  agitated 


'Joseph  Ingraham:  Journal  of  the  Voyage  of  the  Brigantine 
Hope,  from  Boston  to  the  Northwest  coast  of  America.  4  vols.,  in 
MS.  at  Dept.  of  State. 


16        Atncrican  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [16 

half  of  the  Spanish  dominion  in  America."  '  In  May,  1788, 
she  entered  the  harbor  of  the  island  of  Juan  Fernandez  for 
repairs.  Ambrose  O'Higgins,  the  Captain-General  of 
Chile,  arrested  and  cashiered  the  Spanish  commandant  who 
gave  the  vessel  friendly  treatment.  Lacroix,  the  viceroy 
of  Peru,  sent  a  ship  from  Callao  in  pursuit,  and  requested 
the  authorities  on  the  coasts  of  Chile,  Peru  and  Mexico,  to 
seize  any  foreign  vessel  which  should  appear.  Notwith- 
standing the  alertness  of  the  Spanish  officials  toward  the 
south,  the  American  vessels  were  not  disturbed  by  the 
Spanish  authorities  at  Nootka. 
The  Columbia,  after  remaining  at  Nootka  until  October, 

1789,  carried  furs  to  Canton,  exchanged  them  for  teas,  com- 
pleted the  circumnavigation  of  the  earth,'  and  in  August, 

1790,  her  return  was  celebrated  at  Boston  with  much  en- 
thusiasm.' Captain  Ingraham,  the  mate,  brought  with  him 
from  the  Sandwich  Islands  a  native  crown  prince,  Opye, 
who  became  the  centre  of  interest,  and  whose  visit  was  the 
beginning  of  our  friendship  with  Hawaii. 

Other  American  vessels  had  recently  stopped  at  the 
Sandwich  Islands,  and  had  not  been  favorably  impressed 
with  the  character  of  the  natives."  In  the  latter  part  of 
1789  the  Eleanor,  an  American  armed  trading  vessel,  com- 
manded by   Captain   Metcalf,   of   New   York,   stopped  en 

'  Since  the  royal  ordinance  of  1692,  every  foreign  vessel  in  those 
seas,  without  a  license  from  Spain,  had  been  treated  as  an  enemy. 
The  fur  traders  in  the  North  Pacific  excited  the  apprehensions  of 
the  Spanish  Government. 

^  The  Columbia  was  the  first  vessel  to  carry  our  flag  around  the 
world.  In  1789  there  were  fifteen  American  vessels  at  Canton.  The 
number  largely  increased  in  a  decade.  According  to  the  Canton 
custom-house  record,  20  ships  and  two  brigs  from  the  United 
States  visited  that  port  from  June  11,  1800,  to  April  27,  1801.  For 
the  year  ending  June,  1802,  there  were  29  ships  and  2  brigs.  From 
June,  1802,  to  January  9,  1803,  there  were  31  ships  and  i  schooner. 
[Pitkin:  Statistical  View,  N.  Y.,  1817.  p.  246,  and  Appendix 
No.  2.] 

'The  Massachusetts,  built  for  China  trade,  had  sailed  for  Canton 
on  March  28,  1790.     See  Delano's  "  Voyages." 

'John  White:     Voyage  to  the  South  Sea,  Boston,  1823. 


17]  Pioneers  in  Trade  and  Discovery.  17 

route  to  China.  Natives  stole  a  small  boat  in  order  to  get 
nails  and  iron,  and  Metcalf,  a  few  days  later,  took  revenge 
by  firing  into  a  crowd,  who  had  come  in  canoes 
to  trade,  and  killed  many  innocent  persons.'".  The  Fair 
American,  commanded  by,  Metcalf,  after  having  been  de- 
tained at  Nootka,  arrived  a  few  days  later,  and  was  captured 
by  natives,  who  proceeded  to  kill  all  on  board  except 
Isaac  Davis.  The  latter's  life  was  saved  by  interposition 
of  one  Ridler,  the  carpenter's  mate  of  the  Columbia,  who 
had  remained  at  Hawaii.  Davis  and  John  Young,  an  Eng- 
lishman, were  detained,  and  finally  became  chiefs,  and  in- 
structed natives  in  the  use  of  firearms.  The  natives  were 
preparing  26,000  canoes  to  attack  Captain  Metcalf's  brig, 
a  few  miles  away,  while  pretending  to  be  trading,  but  the 
Americans  on  the  island  exaggerated  the  power  of  Metcalf's 
g^ns  and  obtained  permission  of  the  king  to  send  a  letter 
requesting  the  captain  to  depart,  but  not  stating  what  had 
occurred.  Six  months  later,  Captain  Douglas,  in  the 
schooner  Grace,  arrived,  and  sent  a  letter  requesting  the  de- 
livery of  the  whites  that  remained,  but  failed  to  get  them. 
He  left  Young  and  James  Cox  in  care  of  the  king  to  over- 
see the  collection  of  sandalwood  for  the  China  market." 

From  a  financial  standpoint  the  voyage  of  the  Columbia 
was  not  a  success,  but  the  enterprising  Bostonians  were  de- 
termined not  to  neglect  the  "  infant  and  lucrative  China 
trade."  Among  the  first,  after  the  return  of  the  Columbia, 
to  reembark  for  the  Pacific  was  Captain  Joseph  Ingraham. 

"  Ingraham's  Journal,  vol.  ii,  p.  70,  Greenhow:  History  of 
Oregon  and  California  (Boston,  1845),  chap,  x,  p.  224. 

"  The  sandalwood  traffic  soon  became  important,  and  was  a 
valuable  source  of  revenue  for  the  Hawaiian  chiefs.  Kamehameha 
compelled  the  natives  to  go  on  long  journeys  to  the  interior  in 
search  for  sandalwood  trees,  and  to  hew  the  wood  and  bring  it  to 
the  coast  where  he  exchanged  it  for  guns  and  vessels,  by  means  of 
which,  he  made  himself  master  of  his  own  and  then  the  surround- 
ing islands.  The  wood  was  carried  to  China  by  the  traders  who 
exchanged  it  for  teas  and  silk.  The  supply  in  a  few  years  became 
much  decreased. 


18        American  Rei  ific  and  Far  East.       [18 

At  the  Departmeni  our  interesting  volumes 

of  an  illustrated  m.  1  in  which  he  has  given 

an  account  of  his  voyage  and  descriptions  of  the  natives 
wherever  he  found  them.  On  September  i6,  1790,  taking 
Opye  with  him,  he  accepted  the  command  of  the  brigantine 
Hope,  bade  an  affecting  farewell  to  his  native  shores.'"  and 
again  braved  the  perilous  ocean,  sailing  via  Cape  Horn. 

In  April,  1791,  he  reached  the  Marquesas  Islands,  dis- 
covered by  Spain  in  1595,  and  anchored  a  mile  and  a  half 
oflF  the  shore,  where  naked  savages,  men  and  women,  came 
swimming  and  in  canoes,  bringing  a  pig  and  cocoanuts. 
Opye  went  on  shore  to  buy  water,  of  which  the  natives  soon 
brought  a  plentiful  supply,  likewise  of  wood,  bananas,  small 
pigs,  etc.,  which  they  exchanged  for  small  nails.  They  had 
little  knowledge  of  iron,  and  showed  much  curiosity.  They 
became  so  bold  in  climbing  the  sides  of  the  vessel  that  it 
was  found  necessary  to  drive  them  away.  They  had,  also, 
a  propensity  for  stealing,  but  immediately  returned  articles 
when  they  were  discovered.  The  females  diverted  the  at- 
tention of  the  sentinels  from  the  frying  pans  and  cooking 
utensils,  which  they  proceeded  to  appropriate.  At  night 
they  drew  oflf  and  gave  the  crew  a  partial  rest  from  their 
intolerable  noise;  but  at  daylight  they  came  again,  "  swim- 
ming like  a  torrent,"  and  bringing  more  wood  and  water. 
About  60  canoes  with  600  persons,  some  with  horse-palm 
umbrellas,  collected  around  the  vessel.  The  male  natives, 
not  being  allowed  to  come  on  board,  for  fear  they  would 
divert  the  crew  from  their  work,  became  very  troublesome. 
The  young  men,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  the  older 
ones  to  check  them,  swam  under  the  bottom  of  the  vessel, 
and,  with  long  poles,  broke  the  cabin  windows,  and  one 
of  them  struck  Ingraham  with  a  stick  of  wood.     They  all 


"  They  probably  came  into  the  possession  of  the  United  States 
Government  shortly  before  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon  question. 

**  The  Hope  was  soon  followed  by  the  Columbia,  then  the  Han- 
cock, the  Jefferson — and  also  by  the  Margaret,  of  New  York. 


19]  Pioneers  overy.  19 

seemed  sorry,  howe^  was  preparing  to 

leave. 

No  observations  were  made  on  shore.  Opye,  the  only 
one  who  landed,  said  the  women  crowded  about  him  so 
thickly  that  in  his  efforts  to  pay  attention  to  them  he  could 
see  nothing  else.  The  fact  that  many  men  were  seen  with 
only  one  eye  indicated  that  peace  did  not  reign  supreme. 

On  April  19,  1791,  Ingraham,  near  latitude  8°  7'  South 
and  longitude  140°  West,  unexpectedly  found  several 
islands  not  indicated  on  the  charts  of  the  Spaniards  or  of 
Cook.  He  named  them  Washington,  Adams,  Federal,  Lin- 
coln, FrankHn,  Hancock  and  Knox.'*  He  intended  to  go 
on  shore,  but  finding  no  convenient  place  to  anchor,  he 
called  together  his  men,  and  was  greeted  with  cheers  when 
he  announced  that  the  islands  were  newly  discovered  and 
belonged  to  the  United  States." 

On  May  20,  Ingraham  reached  "Owhyhee "  [Hawaii], 
where  a  hundred  trading  canoes  soon  brought  plenty  of 
hogs,  pigs,  fowls  and  potatoes.  Proceeding  to  Mowee, 
where  200  canoes  soon  collected,  he  received  on  board 
Tianna  and  "  Tommahammahan,"  who  were  at  war  with 
Titierce  and  Tio.  Feeling  that  the  natives  desired  an  op- 
portunity to  make  an  attack,  he  refused  to  go  nearer  shore 
as  requested  by  Tianna,  who  said  it  took  the  natives'  breath 
to  bring  hogs  so  far.  Leaving  Opye,  he  went  farther  along 
the  coast,  and  found  three  white  men,  recently  left  by  an 
American  vessel,  who  warned  him  that  the  natives  would 
take  the  first  opportunity  to  capture  his  vessel.  After  find- 
ing it  necessary  to  fire  upon  some  of  the  natives,  he  saw 
about  "  700  canoes  and  20,000  fighting  men  "  collecting 
around  him,  and  taking  the  whites  with  him  he  retired. 
Pyamano,  a  son  of  Chief  Titierce,  remained  on  board,  in- 
tending to  go  to  America;  but  Ingraham,  not  desiring  to 

"  Captain  Roberts,  of  Boston,  in  1792,  named  some  of  them 
Adams,  Jefferson,  Hamilton  and  Madison. 

"  When  Ingraham  reached  Macao  he  learned  that  the  French 
had  discovered  four  of  the  islands  twenty  days  later. 


20        American  Rela  and  Far  East.       [20 

carry  away  a  great  to  give  the  natives 

more  chance  to  lam(  ^ver  been  discovered 

by  civilization,  and,  ^  ^         d  by  the  arrival  of  a 

canoe  from  the  windward  to  announce  a  declaration  of  war, 
discharged  him  at  the  next  trading  place. 

On  June  i,  the  Hope  sailed  from  the  Sandwich  Islands, 
and  on  June  29  reached  Washington  Islands  on  the  North- 
west coast  (Prince  Edward's  or  Charlotte's  isles)  where  re- 
pairs were  made,  and  water  and  wood  obtained.  On  July  4, 
the  crew  killed  a  hog,  dined  on  the  shore,  and  drank  to  the 
President's  health.  Sailing  farther  to  the  north  to  "Port 
Ingraham,"  they  were  approached  by  women  natives,  who 
came  in  canoes  singing  and  offering  to  sell  their  foul 
fish.  Chief  Cow  agreed  to  have  skins  brought,  and  soon 
other  tribes  sought  to  trade  in  fur.  After  reaching  54°  21' 
N.  and  starting  to  return  southward,  the  Hope  met  the 
Columbia  July  23,  on  its  second  voyage."  Going  on  board, 
Ingraham  received  letters  from  Boston,  and  learned  from 
Captain  Gray  that  the  Spaniards  had  augmented  their  set- 
tlement at  Nootka  and  established  another  in  the  Straits  of 
Juan  de  Fuca.  He  was  not  willing  to  concede  that  Spain 
could  claim  the  entire  Northwest  coast  by  right  of  dis- 
covery. Contemplating  the  recent  disturbance  between 
Spain  and  England,  and  the  possibility  of  three  other  na- 
tioruS  contending  for  the  territory  claimed  by  each  of  these 
powers,  he  was  about  to  lay  out  the  whole  Northwest  coast 
and  assign  to  each  his  lot,  but  decided  to  leave  the  question 
for  national  assemblies  to  discuss  when  it  should  become  a 
matter  of  more  serious  consequence. 

After  more  trading  with  the  natives  toward  the  south  of  the 
Washington  Islands  (some  of  whom  offered  to  go  to  "  fight 
for  more  skins  "),  the  Hope,  on  September  2,  sailed  away, 
and,  on  October  6,  reached  "  Owhyhee,"  where  Ingraham 

"  In  June,  1791,  the  Columbia  started  on  a  second  voyage  under 
the  command  of  Captain  Gray,  who  discovered  the  mouth  of  the 
Columbia  river,  giving  to  the  United  States  an  advantage  in  the 
trade  between  China  and  the  Northwest  coast. 


21]  Pioneers  ery.  21 

found  the  brig  Hancock,  oi  ^^^.^.  ,  und  for  Macao^ 
While  the  natives  were  trading,  the  king's  son  again  came- 
on  board  with  the  desire  to  go  to  America.  Starting  on  Oc- 
tober 12,  the  Hope  reached  China  on  November  27.  At 
Macao  roads,  Ingraham  was  informed  by  Captain  R.  D. 
Coolidge  (who  had  formerly  been  on  the  Washington,  but 
had  become  commander  of  the  Grace  after  the  death  of 
Douglas)  that  China,  on  account  of  being  at  war  with  Rus- 
sia, prohibited  fur  ships  from  entering  the  port  of  Canton, 
but  he  disposed  of  part  of  his  furs  there  and  left  the  others 
to  be  sold  by  Captain  John  Canning,  of  the  Nonsuch.  Two 
other  American  vessels  arrived  from  the  Northwest  coast 
in  the  early  part  of  December.  One  was  the  brig  Wash- 
ington (Captain  John  Kendrick),  which  had  been  in  Nootka 
sound  while  Spain  still  held  possession.  The  other  was 
the  Snow  Fairy  (Captain  William  Rogers),  recently  the 
property  of  Douglas. 

Ingraham  left  Canton  June  22,  1792,  and  in  April  sailed 
from  Macao  to  Nootka,  where,  on  July  2,  he  and  Gray 
sent  a  joint  letter  to  the  Spanish  commander.  In  Novem- 
ber, after  a  twenty-two  days'  sail,  he  reached  "  Owhyhee," 
where  his  "  Journal  "  suddenly  ends. 

The  direct  trade  of  the  North  Pacific  between  the  Amer- 
ican coasts  and  China  soon  grew  in  its  importance,  and 
remained  almost  entirely  in  the  hands  of  Americans  until 
1814.  After  1784,  when  the  Northwest  Company  was  or- 
ganized at  Montreal,  the  latter  took  the  place  of  New  York 
as  the  principal  seat  of  the  lake  fur  trade;  but  the  North- 
west and  Hudson  Bay  companies  became  involved  in  dis- 
putes with  each  other,  which  resulted  to  the  advantage  of 
the  Americans  in  the  Pacific  trade,  which  for  twenty-five 
years  was  carried  almost  exclusively  by  vessels  from  Bos- 
ton. It  finally  declined  on  account  of  the  scarcity  and 
high  price  of  furs,  caused  by  the  competition  of  the  Russians 
who  advanced  southward."    The  American  vessels  usually 

"R.  J.  Cleveland:  Narrative  of  Voyages  and  Commercial  En- 
terprises, 1792-1818.    2  vols.     Cambridge,  1843. 


tC 


22       American  He  and  Far  East.      [23 

started  with  va  \Aest  India  productions 

and  British  man  *  many  with  knives,  iron, 

copper  pans,  and  various  trinkets  lor  the  natives — perhaps 
gathered  a  few  seal  skins  or  butts  of  oil  in  the  South  Pacific 
or  obtained  turtle  at  the  Galapagos,  sold  a  few  articles  at 
Valparaiso,  bartered  with  the  natives  of  the  Northwest 
coast  for  furs,  completed  their  cargo  with  sandalwood  and 
other  articles  at  the  Sandwich  Islands,  and  exchanged  every- 
thing for  teas,  silks  and  nankins  at  Canton.  On  these  voy- 
ages the  Americans  used  the  Sandwich  Islands  as  a  prin- 
cipal place  of  resort,  but  they  also  visited  islands  in  all  parts 
of  the  Pacific."  Their  industry  finally  resulted  in  the  settle- 
ment of  Astoria  and  the  colonization  of  Oregon,  and  con- 
tributed to  the  establishment  of  American  influence  along 
the  western  coast  of  South  America,  in  the  islands  of  the 
Pacific,  and  in  the  Far  East. 

The  early  occupation  and  enterprise  of  Americans  in 
the  Pacific  was  not  limited  to  the  trade  between  the  North- 
west coast,  Hawaii  and  China.  Many  were  engaged  in 
whaling  and  sealing,  and  some  in  obtaining  the  pearl  oyster 
and  beche-de-mer.  In  1791  six  ships  from  Nantucket,  and 
one  from  New  Bedford,  sailed  for  the  Pacific  to  pursue  the 
sperm  whale,  which  had  fled  from  his  old  haunts  in  the 
Atlantic."  Notwithstanding  the  dangers  and  hardships  in- 
cident to  the  occupation,  the  number  of  vessels  engaged  in 


"  They  also  furnished  the  Russian-American  settlements  with 
European  articles  in  exchange  for  furs.  In  1809  Russia  com- 
plained of  the  "  illicit "  trade  of  American  citizens  on  the  North 
Pacific  coasts.  Later,  Count  Romanzoflf,  the  Russian  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  at  St.  Petersburg,  proposed  to  J.  Q.  Adams,  the 
American  plenipotentiary,  an  arrangement  allowing  Americans  to 
supply  the  Russian  settlements  on  the  Pacific  with  provisions  and 
manufactures,  and  transport  the  furs  of  the  Russian  Company  to 
Canton,  under  the  condition  that  they  abstain  from  all  intercourse 
with  the  natives  of  the  Northwest  coast.  To  this  Mr.  Adams  ex- 
plained that  he  could  not  agree.  [Greenhow:  Histofy  of  Oregon 
and  California,  chapter  xiv.] 

**  Alexander  Starbuck:     History  of  the  American  Whale  Fishery. 


S3]  Pioneers  in  Trade  and  Discovery.  23 

it  rapidly  increased  and  exceeded  that  of  any  other  nation."* 
The  thrilling  excitement  of  chasing  such  gigantic  game  had 
a  tinge  of  the  romantic,  and  made  privations  more  easily 
endured.  "  The  blood  more  stirs  to  rouse  a  lion  than  to 
start  a  hare."  Sometimes  there  were  exciting  races  be- 
tween English  and  American  vessels  for  the  same  whale, 
and  when  the  agility  of  the  American  sailor  won  by  success- 
fully throwing  his  ponderous  harpoon,  he  was  greeted  with 
repeated  shouts  of  applause." 

The  plan  of  getting  seals  in  the  South  Seas  for  the  China 
trade  was  early  undertaken.  Mr.  Edmund  Fanning  tells 
us  in  his  "  Voyages  Around  the  World,"  that  in  May,  1792, 
the  brig  Betsey,  under  Captain  Steele,  and  owned  by  Mr. 
Nexsen,  left  New  York  upon  such  an  expedition  by  way  of 
Cape  Verde  and  Falkland  islands,  but  it  never  reached 
Canton.  In  1797,  Fanning,  as  commander  of  the  Betsey, 
sailed  by  the  same  route  to  the  Pacific,  and  after  visiting 
Washington,  Fanning  and  other  islands,  reached  Macao 
and  Canton.  He  found  living  on  Tinian  Island  Mr.  Swain, 
of  Nantucket,  and  several  others  who  had  escaped  from  a 
wrecked  English  vessel.  Among  them  were  the  widow  and 
servant  woman  of  the  captain.  On  the  route  back  to  New 
York  he  defeated  a  band  of  pirates. 

In  January,  1800,  the  Aspasia,  with  twenty-two  guns, 
was  sent  by  New  York  gentlemen  to  explore  and  get  seals 
in  the  South  Seas.  She  was  commissioned  by  the  United 
States  Government  as  a  letter  of  marque.  At  Valparaiso 
she  was  detained  by  Spanish  officials,  who  suspected  that 
she  was  a  British  ship-of-war.*"  She  continued  her  voyage 
to  Canton  and  returned  to  New  York,  but  part  of  her  cargo 


"•  In  June,  1795,  and  again  in  May,  1811,  the  British  Parliament 
passed  an  act  offering  premiums  in  order  to  encourage  British 
fisheries  in  the  South  Seas.  The  act  also  encouraged  Americans 
to  reside  in  England  except  when  on  the  whaling  voyage.  The 
United  States  offered  no  bounty. 

"  See  an  article  in  the  N.  Am.  Rev.,  Jan.,  1834. 

"  Fanning's  Voyages  around  the  World,  etc.,  1792-1832.  Boston. 
1833. 


24        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [M 

was  lost  by  a  wreck  and  the  adventure  resulted  in  no  finan- 
cial gain.  The  brig  Union,  under  Captain  Pendleton,  left 
New  York  on  a  similar  voyage  by  way  of  Sydney,  and  to 
the  Fiji  Islands,  and  in  1803,  Delano,  who  had  sailed  to 
China  in  the  Perseverance  by  way  of  Hawaii  in  1799,  went 
directly  across  from  Peru  to  Canton,"*  stopping  at  Lx)bos 
Islands  and  Wake  Island. 

A  few  Americans  reached  the  Fiji  Islands  early  in  the 
century.  Charles  Savage,  reputed  to  be  an  honest  sailor 
belonging  to  the  American  brig  Eliza,  which  was  wrecked 
in  the  Fijis  in  1808,  became  a  kind  of  "  head  man  "  at  Bau, 
the  Fijian  capital.  His  influence  in  the  government  prob- 
ably was  due  to  the  disturbed  condition  of  the  islands  and 
the  presence  of  several  shipwrecked  and  runaway  seamen, 
and  of  twenty-six  convicts  who  had  escaped  from  New 
South  Wales  in  1804.'*  Firmly  established  at  Bau,  he  de- 
manded and  received  some  of  the  "  highest  ladies  of  the 
realm  "  for  wives,"  but  his  children  were  all  still-born,  and 
his  hopes  to  establish  white  sway  were  wrecked.  The 
arrivals  from  New  South  Wales  died  out  rapidly  by  fights 
or  irregular  life  in  the  hot  climate."*  Savage  was  put  to 
death  and  eaten  in  March,  1814. 

By  the  close  of  Jefiferson's  administration  American  in- 
terests in  the  Pacific  were  of  sufficient  importance  to  attract 
the  attention  of  the  Government.  In  the  spring  of  1812 
President  Madison  gave  Fanning  a  commission  as  com- 
mander of  an  expedition  of  discovery,  to  consist  of  the  ships 
Volunteer  and  Hope,  and  to  go  to  the  southern  hemisphere 
and  voyage  around  the  world.  Secretary  Monroe  furnished 
him  letters  from  European  ambassadors  and  consuls  rec- 
ommending him  to  the  kindness  and  protection  of  vessels 
and  officials  of  their  nationality.  When  the  expedition  was 
nearly  ready,  war  with  England  was  declared  which  pre- 
vented it  from  sailing. 


^  Delano's  Voyages.     Boston,  1818.  "  Seemann,  p.  406. 

*  Capt.  I.  Erksine:  Western  Pacific,  p.  197. 

*•  Dillon:     Discovery  of  the  Fate  of  de  la  Perouse. 


CHAPTER  11. 

OCCUPATION  OF  MADISON  ISLAND  IN  THE 
WAR  OF  1812. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  American  episodes  in  the 
Pacific  is  the  formal  occupation  of  Madison  Island  by  Cap- 
tain David  Porter  in  181 3,  while  he  was  engaged  in  pro- 
tecting American  whaling  interests  in  that  vicinity. 

Before  the  declaration  of  war  with  England  in  1812, 
American  whalemen  on  the  coast  of  Peru  often  suffered 
from  the  piratical  acts  of  Peruvian  privateers,  who  also  cut 
them  out  from  Chile  ports  where  they  had  gone  to  recruit.' 
J.  R.  Poinsett,  of  South  Carolina,  was  sent  to  remonstrate, 
but  when  the  Anglo-American  war  began,  he  found  that 
the  corsairs,  as  a  fresh  pretext  for  plunder,  claimed  they 
were  allies  of  England.^  Learning  that  an  expedition  sent 
by  the  authorities  of  Lima  had  captured  Concepcion  and 
Talcahuano,  and  that  at  the  latter  place  a  Limian  armament 
of  two  men-of-war  and  1500  troops  was  detaining  many 
American  vessels,  he  resolved  to  resort  to  stronger  measures 
than  those  of  diplomacy.  Joining  the  Chilean  army,  he 
directed  its  movements  until  the  enemy  was  driven  from  the 
town  and  the  whalemen  released.  Though  Lima  yielded  to 
muskets  and  cannon,  her  depredations  did  not  entirely  cease 
until  the  arrival  of  Captain  Porter  in  the  United  States 
frigate  Essex,  the  first  United  States  ship-of-war  to  spread 
her  sails  in  the  Pacific. 

On  October  6,  1812,  Porter  had  received  his  orders  for 


^  Alex.  Starbuck:     History  of  the  American  Whale  Fishery. 
*  Porter:    Journal   of  a  Cruise  in  the   Pacific,   1812-14.     N.   Y., 
1822. 


26      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [26 

a  long  cruise.  After  reaching  the  South  Atlantic,  he  had 
learned  that  the  people  in  Buenos  Ayres  were  starving, 
and  unable  to  supply  his  wants,  and  that  Montevideo  was 
invincible.  He  at  once  shaped  his  course  for  the  Pacific, 
and  on  March  15  landed  at  Valparaiso,  where  he  was  aston- 
ished to  learn  that  Chile  had  declared  her  independence 
from  Spain,  and  that  the  viceroy  of  Peru  had  sent  out 
cruisers  against  American  shipping." 

Porter's  appearance  in  the  Pacific  was  of  great  importance 
to  American  whaling  interests.  He  at  once  proceeded  to 
destroy  unfriendly  vessels,  and  to  break  up  the  British  whale 
fisheries  off  the  coast  of  Chile  and  Peru.  After  capturing 
British  property  worth  two  and  a  half  million  dollars,  and 
360  British  seamen,  whom  he  liberated  on  parole,  he  de- 
cided to  seek  a  place  of  safety  where  he  could  put  his  ship 
in  a  condition  to  return  home,  and,  at  the  same  time,  give 
his  men  some  amusement. 

Sailing  to  the  group  discovered  by  Ingraham  in  1791.  he 
anchored  at  Madison  Island  (Nukuhiva,  or  Sir  Henry  Mar- 
tin's Island),  which  he  proceeded  to  occupy  for  the  United 
States,  and  to  conquer  and  make  them  tributary  to  the 
United  States  by  the  request  and  assistance  of  the  friendly 
tribes.  He  built  Fort  Madison  (4  guns)  and  a  village  which 
he  called  Madisonville.  The  waters  where  he  anchored, 
he  nanied  Massachusetts  bay.  In  taking  formal  occupa- 
tion on  November  19.  1813.  Porter  declared  that  the  na- 
tives by  their  own  request,  and  in  order  to  render  secure 
the  United  States  claim  to  the  island,  were  adopted  into 
the  great  American  family;  and  that  they,  on  their  part, 
had  promised  to  give  welcome  hospitality  and  protection  to 
American  citizens  who  visited  the  islands,  and  also  to  en- 
deavor to  prevent  subjects  of  Great  Britain  from  coming 
among  them  during  the  continuation  of  the  War  of  1812. 

In  his  declaration,  which  he  read,  he  said:     "  Our  rights 

*  Navy  Dept.  Tracts,  vol.  xiv,  No.  22;  Essex  Inst.  Hist.  Coll., 
vol.  X.    Salem,  1870. 


27]      Occupation  of  Madison  Island  in  War  of  1812.        27 

to  this  island  being  founded  on  priority  of  discovery,  con- 
quest and  possession,  cannot  be  disputed  .  .  .  Influenced 
by  considerations  of  humanity,  which  promise  speedy  civi- 
lization ...  as  well  as  by  views  of  policy,  which  secure 
to  my  country  a  fruitful  and  populous  island,  possessing 
even,'  advantage  of  security  and  supplies  for  vessels,  and 
which,  of  all  others,  is  the  most  happily  situated,  as  respects 
climate  and  local  position,  I  do  declare  that  I  have  in  the 
most  solemn  manner,  under  the  American  flag  displayed  at 
Fort  Madison,  and  in  the  presence  of  numerous  witnesses, 
taken  possession  of  said  island,  called  Madison  Island,  for 
the  use  of  the  United  States  .  .  .  ;  and  that  the  act  of  tak- 
ing possession  was  announced  by  seventeen  guns.  .  .  .  And 
that  our  claim  to  this  island  may  not  hereafter  be  disputed, 
I  have  buried  in  a  bottle,  at  the  foot  of  the  flagstaff  in  Fort 
Madison,  a  copy  of  this  instrument,  together  with  several 
pieces  of  money,  the  coin  of  the  United  States."  *  This 
deed  was  signed  by  Porter,  nine  United  States  naval  officers 
and  others. 

While  on  the  island  the  American  forces  intervened  to 
secure  peace  between  the  natives,  and  joined  the  friendly 
tribes  in  their  wars  against  the  Happahs. 

On  December  13,  Porter  sailed  for  Valparaiso,  leaving 
Lieut.  Gamble  in  command  with  four  prize  ships,  twenty- 
one  marines  and  six  prisoners.  He  reported  that  he  had 
completely  broken  up  British  navigation  on  the  Pacific, 
and  injured  her  navigation  to  the  extent  of  two  and  one- 
half  million  dollars.  In  the  following  March,  however, 
after  a  desperate  encounter'*  outside  the  port,  watched  by 
thousands  of  witnesses  from  surrounding  hills,  he  was  com- 
pelled to  surrender  to  Commodore  Hillyar,  of  the  British 
navy,  who  had  recently  arrived  with  the  Phoebe  and  the 


^  Capt.  D.  Porter:  Joitrnal  of  a  Cruise  to  the  Pacific  in  1812-14. 
N.  Y..  1822. 

°  Poinsett,  during  the  engagement,  requested  the  Governor  of 
Valparaiso  to  protect  the  Essex,  but  his  request  was  not  granted. 
He  left  the  country  soon  after. 


28        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [28 

Cherub.  He  and  part  of  his  crew,  on  parole,  were  allowed 
to  sail  for  New  York  on  the  Essex,  Junior.  Several  of  the 
crew  of  the  Essex,  who  were  left  at  Valparaiso,  enlisted  in 
the  "  patriot  "  army  at  Santiago. 

Gamble  found  his  stay  at  Madison  Island  far  from  pleas- 
ant. His  life  was  rendered  miserable  by  rains  and  squalls, 
and  by  the  character  of  his  crew,  some  of  whom  were  worth- 
less and  ready  to  desert  at  every  opportunity.  He  was  also 
much  troubled  by  the  natives,  who  showed  signs  of  attack 
and  soon  began  to  kill  the  swine  left  by  Porter.  Threats 
of  devastation  being  insufficient  to  prevent  theft  by  some  of 
the  natives,  he  found  it  necessary  to  attack  and  chasten 
them.  After  they  had  fled  and  the  chiefs  offered  to  replace 
the  swine,  he  asked  an  indemnity  for  his  trouble  and  also 
demanded  the  surrender  of  the  thieves,  whom  the  chiefs 
claimed  they  could  not  apprehend,  but  finally  closed  the 
affair  by  exacting  a  promise  of  future  vigilance.  Later, 
when  intertribal  quarrels  and  wars  were  renewed,  he  suc- 
cessfully restored  tranquillity  by  intervention.  Supplies  be- 
coming precarious,  he  sailed  to  other  islands  to  barter  iron 
for  swine  and  vegetables,  and  at  almost  every  place  he 
landed  the  natives  asked  his  aid  in  intertribal  wars  which 
had  arisen  chiefly  over  fishery  regulations  or  property. 
But  he  had  enough  to  engage  his  attention  in  watching  and 
punishing  his  own  men,  who  went  to  sleep  on  watch,  or 
permitted  the  clandestine  visits  of  female  natives,  or  left 
camp  without  permission  or  under  pretence  of  washing  their 
clothes  at  a  distant  brook.  Early  in  May,  seven  men  on 
deck  defiantly  refused  to  work,  bound  and  imprisoned 
Gamble  and  others,  hoisted  the  English  flag,  spiked  the 
guns  at  the  fort,  took  the  powder  and  other  materials  and 
set  sail.  Gamble  again  had  reason  to  become  alarmed  at 
the  natives,  who  began  to  repeat  their  thefts  and  finally 
attacked  the  ships,  massacring  four  midshipmen. 

Burning  one  of  his  vessels,  with  seven  men  and  a  leaky 
ship  without  a  boat  or  anchor,  he  sailed  to  Owyhee 
(Hawaii)  for   supplies  and   men.     In   June,  after  he  had 


39]      Occupation  of  Madison  Island  in  War  of  1812.        29 

started  to  return  to  Valparaiso,  he  was  captured  by  the 
British  warship  Cherub.  Reaching  Valparaiso  (on  Sep- 
tember 23),  where  he  was  entertained  by  the  American  vice- 
consul,  Blanco,  he  heard  the  strange  news  that  Wellington 
had  been  sent  to  the  United  States  with  20,000  troops  and 
created  Emperor  of  North  America!  He  finally  arrived  at 
New  York  in  August,  181 5. 

Though  Madison  Island  was  afterwards  recommended  as 
a  convenient  location  for  a  naval  and  supply  station,  the 
United  States  never  took  any  step  toward  occupation. 

Porter  published  an  account  of  his  experience  in  the 
Pacific,  in  which  he  described  the  natives  and  made  numer- 
ous references  to  the  beauty  and  grace  of  the  native  women, 
who  roamed  at  pleasure  and  were  promiscuous  in  their  in- 
tercourse with  the  sailors.  The  English  Quarterly  Review 
ridiculed  him  for  occupying  the  island,  and  severely  criti- 
cised him  for  his  voluptuous  descriptions  of  the  island 
beauties,  and  for  the  freedom  which  he  permitted  between 
them  and  the  sailors,  as  well  as  for  cruelty  to  the  natives. 
Porter,  in  reply,  after  stating  that  Ingraham's  discovery  of 
1 79 1  gave  the  United  States  a  just  claim  to  the  island,  re- 
ferred to  the  license  of  the  sailors  under  Captain  Cook  and 
others,  and  to  previous  writers,  who  had  described  feasts 
with  native  women.  In  defending  himself  from  the  charge 
of  cruelty,  he  presented  the  British  record  in  the  Pacific 
on  that  score,  and  stated  that  men  away  from  law  and  in 
danger,  must  judge  of  the  means  of  safety  and  act  accord- 
ing to  circumstances.  He  declared  that  the  safety  of  his 
ships,  prizes  and  men  depended  upon  maintaining  a  posi- 
tion on  the  island,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  conciliate 
the  natives  by  joining  them  against  their  enemies. 


CHAPTER  III. 

EARLY  AMERICAN  INTERESTS  ON  THE  PACIFIC 

COAST. 

American  interests  on  the  Pacific  coast  increased  with 
the  number  of  American  ships  sailing  between  that  region 
and  China,  though  its  poHtical  importance  for  the  United 
States  attracted  little  attention  until  1803,  when  President 
Jefferson  sent  Meriwether  Lewis  and  William  Clarke  to 
explore  along  the  Missouri  and  trace  some  convenient 
stream  to  the  Pacific  with  a  view  of  opening  an  inland  trade 
route.*  Jefferson  favored  every  reasonable  facility  and 
patronage  by  the  Government  to  encourage  the  trade  of 
United  States  citizens  with  that  distant  region.'  In  1810 
he  considered  that  an  early  settlement  on  the  western  coast 
would  be  a  "  great  public  acquisition,"  and  looked  forward 
to  the  time  "  when  its  descendants  should  spread  themselves 
throughout  the  whole  length  of  the  coast,"  covering  it  with 
free  Americans,  independent  and  self-governing.  By  invi- 
tation, and  the  offer  of  government  protection,  he  encour- 
aged Astor  to  fit  out  a  vessel  with  seed  and  provisions  and 
to  send  120  persons  (some  by  sea  and  others  by  the  over- 
land route)  to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  where  in  181 1 
they  established  the  American  settlement  of  Astoria.* 

Astor  had  long  been  engaged  in  commerce  and  trade 
between  the  Northwest  coast  and  China.  For  the  pur- 
pose of  securing  such  a  control  of  that  trade  as  to  lessen  the 
danger  of  rivalry  by  the  Northwest  Company,  in  1810.  at 


'  Lewis  and  Clarke:    Expedition,  etc.     Phila.,  1814. 

'  Jefferson's  Works,  vol.  vi.     To  John  Jacob  Astor,  May  24,  1812, 

*  Washington  Irving:    Astoria. 


31]       Early  American  Interests  on  the  Pacific  Coast.         31 

New  York,  he  assisted  in  the  organization  of  the  Pacific 
Fur  Company  with  himself  at  its  head.  For  clerks  and 
voyagcurs  he  selected  principally  Canadians.  Macdougal, 
who  was  appointed  to  superintend  the  new  enterprise,  sailed 
in  the  Tonqidn  in  September,  1810.  At  Owyhee,  in  Feb- 
ruary, 181 1,  he  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  negotiate 
a  treaty  with  Kamehameha,  but  he  obtained  supplies,  and 
also  men,  to  engage  in  service  on  the  coast.  His  settle- 
ment at  Astoria,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  was  joined 
in  January,  181 2,  by  the  overland  detachment  of  sixty  men, 
who  had  endured  many  hardships  and  dangers  on  the  route. 
On  May  5,  1812,  the  Beaver  arrived  with  more  men  from 
the  United  States  and  with  36  Sandwich  islanders.  In  Jan- 
uary, 181 3,  the  community,  already  embarrassed  by  the 
destruction  of  the  Tonquin  and  her  crew  by  the  Indians 
near  the  entrance  to  the  Straits  of  Fuca,  was  thrown  into 
gloom  by  the  news  that  the  United  States  had  declared  war 
against  Great  Britain.  On  October  16  the  Canadian  man- 
agers of  the  company  entered  into  an  agreement  by  which 
all  the  establishments,  furs  and  stock  were  sold  to  the  North- 
west Company  for  $58,000.  The  captain  of  a  British  vessel, 
which  arrived  soon  after,  hauled  down  the  American  flag, 
replaced  it  by  the  British  flag,  and  changed  the  name  of* 
the  place  to  Fort  George.  Astor,  on  hearing  the  news, 
considered  the  sale  disgraceful.* 

In  181 5  Monroe  demanded  the  restitution  of  the  post.y 
Two  years  later  he  sent  the  Ontario  to  establish  a  settle- 
ment on  the  Columbia.  When  Castlereagh  expressed 
regret  and  a  desire  to  avoid  collision,  Secretary  Adams 
wrote  Rush,  at  London,  that  it  had  not  been  anticipated 
that  England  would  be  disposed  to  start  questions  of  title 
with  us  on  the  shores  of  the  South  Sea,  stating  that  she 
would  hardly  find  it  useful  or  wise  to  resist  every  possibility 
of  extension  to  our  national  dominion. 

The   expansive   designs   of  Russia   in   America   were   a     X  X 

^Greenhow:     History  of  Oregon  and  California,  chap.  xiv. 


33       American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [32 

source  of  some  concern  to  officials  of  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment. Prevost,  the  United  States  agent  who  had  re- 
ceived the  surrender  of  Astoria  by  the  British,  in  a  letter 
to  Adams  dated  at  Monterey,  November  ii,  1818,  after 
referring  to  the  Russian  settlements  made  in  1816  at  the 
Sandwich  Islands  and  near  the  harbor  of  San  Francisco, 
said :  "  May  we  not  infer  views  to  the  early  possession  of 
this  harbor,  ultimately  to  the  sovereignty  of  entire  Cali- 
fornia. Surely  the  growth  of  a  race,  scarcely  emerged  from 
the  savage  state,  on  these  shores  is  to  be  deprecated,  and 
should  excite  the  jealousies  of  the  United  States  and  induce 
her  to  preserve  a  station,  which  may  serve  as  a  barrier  to 
northern  aggrandizement." 

Floyd's  Report"  in  the  House  in  January,  1821,  estimat- 
ing that  there  were  already  $8,000,000  of  property  owned 
by  the  United  States  m  the  Pacific,  and  calling  attention  to 
Russia's  menaces  against  Turkey,  Persia,  Japan,  China  and 
Spanish  America,  and  her  plans  to  command  the  North 
Pacific,  urged  the  propriety  of  taking  energetic  steps  to 
guard  our  increasing  interests  on  the  Columbia,  whose 
valley,  Benton  thought,  might  soon  become  the  granary 
of  China  and  Japan,  who  had  not  yet  opened  diplomatic 
relations  with  us.  It  was  suggested  that  settlement  of  the 
country  might  be  facilitated  by  the  immigration  of  Chinese. 
Though  the  friends  of  the  report,  in  support  of  their  views, 
emphasized  the  importance  of  fisheries  and  trade  with  China, 
and  spoke  of  possible  growth  of  the  lumber  trade,  and  of 
agriculture,  in  the  future,  the  members  of  the  House  gave 
the  subject  little  discussion  and  voted  to  table  it.  The 
majority  probably  considered  such  an  extension  of  the 
Union  chimerical.  Tucker  (of  the  opposition)  of  Virginia, 
said  necessarily  the  Rockies  always  would  be  an  impassable 
barrier  between  interests. 

Russia  had  not  only  made  establishments  in  California 
and  Hawaii,  but  threatened  to  enforce  the  Russian  claim 

'  Rp-  Com_4S^i6^;2jJjan.  25,  1821. 


33]        Early  American  Interests  on  the  Pacific  Coast.         33 

to  make  the  Pacific  a  mare  clausum  north  of  51°  on  the 
American  coast  and  45°  on  the  Asiatic  coast.  An  edict  of 
Alexander,  September  4,  1821,  under  pretext  of  preventing 
smuggling,  stated  rules  for  limits  of  the  navigation  and 
communication  along  the  coast  of  East  Siberia,  the  North- 
west coast  of  America  to  51°,  the  Aleutian,  Kurile  and  other 
islands,  and  prohibiting  foreign  vessels  from  coming  nearer 
than  100  Italian  miles  to  these  places,  except  in  gales  or 
when  in  need  of  provisions,  etc.  President  Monroe  was 
surprised  at  the  Russian  claim  to  51°,  etc.,  and  Secretary 
Adams,  February  25,  1822,  asked  Poletica,  the  Russian 
minister,  to  explain  the  Russian  grounds  of  right. 

Poletica,  in  a  long  reply,  of  February  28,  denying  that 
Spain  had  ever  had  a  right  to  claim  north  of  42°,  said 
51°  was  only  a  mean  point  between  the  Russian  establish- 
ment of  New  Archangel  at  57°  and  the  American  colony 
on  the  Columbia  at  46°.  In  justification  of  the  100-mile 
prohibition,  he  said  that  the  foreign  adventurers,  nearly 
all  of  whom  were  American  citizens,  by  their  illicit  trade 
and  irregular  conduct,  and  by  selling  arms  to  natives  of 
Russian  America,  had  been  the  source  of  pressing  but  un- 
successful remonstrances  from  the  time  when  Russia  began 
diplomatic  correspondence  with  the  United  States,  and 
that  coercion,  though  not  conceived  in  a  hostile  spirit,  or  to 
strike  a  blow  at  maritime  interests  of  the  United  States,  had 
become  a  necessity." 

Adams  could  not  understand  how  Russia  could  claim 
to  51°  when  she  had  only  claimed  to  55°  in  1799,  and  was 
persuaded  that  American  citizens  would  remain  unmolested 
as  heretofore  in  exercising  their  right  to  sell  to  the  natives 
of  Northwest  America.  He  had  no  proof  that  the  trade 
had  Been  exercised  in  a  spirit  unfriendly  to  Russia.  In  his 
reply  of  March  30,  he  said  that  the  right  of  the  United 
States  to  navigate  the  seas  near  Behring,  as  well  as  else- 
where, was  a  part  of  our  independence,  and  that  her  ves- 


*  Exec.  Papers,  112,  7-1,  vol.  vi,  Apr.  15,  1822. 


34        American  Relations  in  the  PaciHc  and  Far  East.       [34 

sels  had  exercised  that  right  from  the  period  of  her  exist- 
ence as  a  nation.  In  reply  to  Poletica's  suggestion  that 
Russia  had  a  right  to  exclude  foreigners  from  the  sea 
north  of  51°  in  America  and  45°  in  Asia,  Adams  reminded 
him  that  the  distance  between  those  two  points  was  only 
about  4000  miles. 

>JPoletica,  in  a  letter  of  (March  21)  April  2,  referred  to  eight 
Russian  settlements  in  latitude  48°  and  49°  (462  persons) 
existing  as  late  as  1789,  and  ventured  to  say  that  the  great 
width  of  the  Pacific  would  not  prevent  Russia  from  making 
it  a  closed  sea,  but  he  referred  the  matter  to  his  govern- 
ment. 

After  the  protests  of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain, 
Russia  suspended  her  edict,  and  soon  after  Monroe's  fam- 
ous message  of  1823,  she  granted  the  right  of  United  States 
citizens  to  fish  along  the  coasts  of  Russian  America,  ex- 
cept in  the  rivers  and  harbors;  but,  after  10  years,  believing 
that  the  privilege  had  been  abused,  she  refused  to  renew 
the  agreement  for  allowing  either  fishing  or  trading.'  Thus 
was  the  way  prepared  for  the  future  acquisition  of  Alaska 
and  the  islands  skirting  the  Behring  sea. 

The  Americans,  at  an  early  day,  also  exercised  consid- 
erable influence  along  the  Pacific  coast  of  Spanish  America. 
R.  J.  Cleveland,  in  his  "  Voyages,"  tells  us  that  as  early  as 
1802  our  sailors  were  advocating  self-government  to  the 
people  of  Chile  at  Valparaiso.  The  revolution  which 
opened  in  Chile,  in  1817,  gave  a  stimulus  to  American 
trade '  and  induced  the  United  States  to  keep  a  small  squad- 
ron on  the  west  coast  of  Peru  and  Chile.  With  the  eman- 
cipation of  all  Spanish  America  from  the  colonial  rule  of 
the  mother  country,  Americans  stopped  more  frequently 
along  the  west  coast  of  Mexico  and  California. 

The  growth  of  American  commerce  and  whaling  interests 


^  Van  Buren's  Message  of  Dec.  1838. 

'  For  an  account  of  affairs  on  the  coast  of  South  America,  1817-20, 
see  "  Voyages  "  of  R.  J.  Cleveland,  who  undertook  a  voyage  under 
the  auspices  of  John  Jacob  Astor. 


35]       Early  American  Interests  on  the  Pacific  Coast.        35 

in  the  Pacific  and  the  Far  East,  during  the  administration 
of  Monroe  and  J.  Q.  Adams,  and  the  desire  for  ports  essen- 
tial to  their  protection,  induced  the  Jackson  administration, 
in  1835,  to  seek  for  the  acquisition  of  territory  north  of 
37°  that  would  include  the  bay  of  San  Francisco,  and  to 
undertake  negotiations  for  purchase,  but  in  vain.  In  De- 
cember, 1 84 1,  Upshur,  Secretary  of  State  under  Tyler, 
knowing  that  Americans  were  settling  in  California,  and 
considering  that  the  increasing  commerce  of  the  United 
States  within  the  Gulf  of  California,  and  to  San  Francisco, 
together  with  the  weakness  of  the  local  authorities,  rendered 
it  "  proper  that  occasional  countenance  and  protection 
should  be  afforded  to  American  enterprise  in  that  quarter," 
instructed  Commander  Thomas  ap  Catesby  Jones  to  .  .  . 
"  examine  bays  and  harbors  in  the  interest  of  commerce  and 
science." 

In  May,  on  reaching  Callao  bay,  Jones  learned  that  a 
strong  French  squadron  had  sailed  from  Valparaiso  in 
March,  1842.  He  strongly  suspected  that  its  purpose  was 
to  colonize  or  occupy  California,  or  the  Sandwich  Islands, 
or  the  Washington  Islands'  [a  part  of  the  Marquesas  group]. 
His  anxiety  was  increased  by  subsequent  rumors  and  move- 
ments. On  September  5,  having  learned  from  the  Mexican 
papers  that  relations  with  the  United  States  were  strained, 
and  having  heard  the  rumor  that  Mexico  had  ceded  Cali- 
fornia to  Great  Britain  for  $7,000,000,  considered  that  he 
would  be  justified  by  the  Monroe  doctrine  in  seizing  Cali- 
fornia in  self-defence,  thereby  securing  a  prior  claim  of 
conquest  before  Great  Britain  could  obtain  a  claim  by  occu- 
pation. Sailing  to  Monterey  on  October  19,  acting  on  his 
own  authority,  he  took  possession  and  ran  up  the  United 
States  flag,  but  on  the  next  day  he  restored  the  Mexican 
standard. 

Though    Secretary    Webster    disavowed   the   exploit    of 

•  Discovered  by  Captain  Ingraham  in  1791  and  occupied  by  Cap- 
tain Porter  in  1813.     Occupied  by  the  French  in  1842. 


3G        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [36 

Jones,  the  United  States  Government  continued  to  contem- 
plate the  acquisition  of  the  port  of  San  Francisco  by  peace- 
able cession,  and  finally  occupied  it  in  the  interests  of  civi- 
lization and  future  security,  opening  opportunities  for 
American  protective  influence  in  Mexico,  and  giving  a  stim- 
ulus to  communication  with  the  Orient  and  Panama  by  lines 
of  ocean  steamers. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

EARLY  RELATIONS  OF  WHALERS  AND 
TRADERS  WITH  THE   NATIVES. 

The  islands  of  the  Pacific  have  often  been  the  scenes  of 
thriUing  disaster,  romantic  adventure,  unbridled  license, 
conflict,  mutiny,  treachery,  and  bloodshed.  Along  the  track 
of  the  early  whalers  and  traders,  who  carried  with  them  the 
vices  as  well  as  the  virtues  of  a  higher  civilization,  were 
occasional  shipwrecks,  horrible  massacres,  and  shocking 
indecencies.  In  cases  of  collision  with  the  natives,  the 
latter  were  not  always  the  first  offenders.  Among  the  dar- 
ing whaling  captains,  many  of  whom  were  scientific  navi- 
gators, some  were  unprincipled,  severe  and  indiscreet,  and 
others  were  sometimes  unable  to  control  a  crew  so  far  re- 
moved from  the  arm  of  civil  law.' 

The  crews  were  a  motley  collection  of  Indians,  runaway 
slaves,  renegade  tars  from  the  British  navy,  Irish,  Dutch, 
and  Hawaiians,  as  well  as  the  shrewd  natives  of  Massachu- 
setts. The  majority,  like  "  Long  Tom  Coffin,"  were  brave, 
hardy,  intelligent  sons  of  toil  from  New  England's  scant 
soil,  who,  by  the  offers  of  a  share  of  the  cargo,  were  induced 
to  leave  home  and  friends  for  a  three-years'  voyage,  and  to 
become  alert  and  vigilant  in  their  business.  Sometimes  a 
youth,  who  had  worn  out  the  forbearance  of  friends  and 
tutors,  left  the  counting-room  or  college  for  the  novelty 
of  an  adventurous  life  on  the  broad  ocean,  where  bones 
were  sometimes  broken  and  lives  lost  in  rough  contests  with 
the  mammoth  spouting  inhabitants  of  the  deep. 


'Cheever:  Island  World  of  the  Pacific.  C.  S.  Stewart:  A 
Visit  to  the  South  Seas  in  the  U.  S.  Vincennes,  1829-30.  N.  Y., 
1831.    J.  N.  Reynolds'  Address,  1836. 


82146 


38       American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [38 

Broils  and  mutinies  occurred,  but  were  usually  put  down. 
That,  in  1823,  on  board  the  Glvbe,  owned  by  a  Nantucket 
firm,  is  the  worst  recorded.^ 

With  Thomas  Worth,  commander,  and  twenty  others, 
it  left  Edgarton  December  20,  1822,  sailed  via  Cape  Horn 
and  Hawaii  to  Japan  seas,  from  which  it  returned  to  Hawaii 
with  550  barrels  of  oil.  The  crew  had  complained  among 
themselves  as  to  the  irregularity  of  the  meat  supply.  At 
Hawaii,  six  men  deserted,  and  were  replaced  by  five  others, 
after  which  the  vessel  cruised  toward  Fanning's  Island. 
The  officers  found  frequent  occasion  to  reprimand  the  new 
members,  and  caused  one  to  be  severely  flogged.  In  Jan- 
uary, 1824,  one  Comstock  planned  a  mutiny  and  murdered 
the  captain  and  mates.  He  ordered  the  third  mate  to  be 
thrown  overboard  alive,  and  had  his  hands  chopped  oflf 
when  he  attempted  to  hold  the  ship.  He  then  directed  the 
ship  via  Kingsmill  and  Marshall's  Island  to  the  Mulgrave 
Islands,  where  he  proposed  to  form  a  settlement.  Here 
he  joined  a  gang  of  natives,  and,  being  suspected  of  treach- 
ery, was  shot  by  Payne,  one  of  his  fellow-mutineers.  Smith 
and  six  others,  fearing  Payne,  escaped  with  the  Globe  to 
Valparaiso,  where  they  were  arrested  by  United  States  Con- 
sul Michael  Hogan  and  sent  to  Nantucket.  Payne,  who, 
with  nine  others  had  been  left  at  the  Mulgraves,  went  into 
a  paroxysm  of  rage  when  the  absence  of  the  vessel  was  dis- 
covered, but  soon  drowned  his  trouble  by  taking  a  native 
wife  whom  he  had  brought  from  another  island,  and  his 
example  was  followed  by  others,  who  seemed  to  have  had 
no  fear  of  the  natives.  One  morning,  Payne,  awakening 
and  discovering  that  his  wife  was  gone,  grabbed  muskets 
and  started  in  search,  found  her,  shot  at  her,  flogged  her 
severely,  and  put  her  in  irons.  His  severities  irritated  the 
natives,  who  soon  began  to  steal  and  to  resist  the  restoration 
of  articles.     Probably  because   they  were  jealous   of  the 

*  Wm.  Lay  and  C.  M.  Hussey:  Narrative  of  a  Mutiny  on  Board 
the  Globe,  New  London,  1828. 


39]  Early  Relations  of  Whalers  and  Traders.  39 

chastity  of  their  wives,  the  natives  finally  murdered  all  the 
whites  except  two,  Lay  and  Hussey,  who  were  saved  only 
by  the  interposition  of  the  natives,  and  were  rescued  in 
December,  1825,  by  Lieutenant  Hiram  Paulding,  of  the 
United  States  naval  vessel  Dolphin,  which  had  made  search 
by  order  of  Secretary  of  the  Navy." 

At  Onavoora,  in  the  Hawaiian  group,  which  was  a  ren- 
dezvous for  whale  ships,*  especially  from  January  to  April, 
many  seamen,  freed  from  a  long  confinement  on  board  their 
vessels,  often  became  so  insubordinate  and  licentious  that 
the  captains  were  unable  to  restrict  their  propensities.  In 
some  cases  they  threatened  a  riot  unless  the  chiefs  and  mis- 
sionaries should  acquiesce  in  their  demand  for  the  repeal  of 
the  restrictions  that  deprived  them  of  the  society  of  females/ 
Even  some  of  the  crew  of  the  United  States  ship  Dolphin, 
in  1826,  joined  in  opposition  to  missionaries.  Deserters 
were  often  secreted  by  the  natives,  and,  in  many  cases,  only 
to  obtain  the  large  rewards  which  captains  offered  for  their 
return. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  seeing  the  extensive  interests 
of  the  United  States  in  ever\^  part  of  the  Pacific,  and  having 
knowledge  of  the  difficulties  which  not  infrequently  oc- 
curred in  the  neighborhood  of  many  of  the  islands,  con- 
sidered the  occasional  presence  of  a  public  force  very  im- 
portant. During  the  South  American  revolt,  the  duties  of 
the  small  squadron  on  the  west  coast  of  Chile  and  Peru, 
where  American  commerce  was  in  danger  from  Spanish  ves- 


'  Paulding:     Cruise  of  the  Dolphin. 

*  Honolulu  became  a  depot  for  fresh  supplies,  repairs,  and  the 
temporary  storage  of  whale  oil.  As  early  as  1823,  sometimes  forty 
whaling  vessels  could  be  seen  there  on  the  same  day.  The  im- 
portance of  the  islands  was  recognized  by  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment on  September  19,  1820,  when  Secretary  Monroe  appointed 
John  C.  Jones  as  "  Agent  for  Commerce  and  Seamen." 

'  In  1825  the  chiefs  of  Hawaii  issued  a  proclamation  against 
women  visiting  vessels  for  immoral  purposes,  and  crews  tried  to 
get  missionaries  to  have  it  revoked.  Lieutenant  Percival  arrived 
on  the  Dolphin — protested  against  the  decree  and  by  threats  in- 
duced the  chiefs  to  rescind  it. 


40        American  Relations  in  the  PaciHc  and  Far  East.       [40 

sels,  had  prevented  it  from  visiting  the  Society  and  Sand- 
wich Islands,  etc.  In  1825-6,  the  unsettled  condition  of  the 
South  American  governments  and  the  possibility  that  many 
from  the  former  navy  of  Peru  and  Chile  would  resort  to 
piracy,  still  exposed  our  commerce  to  dangers  which 
seemed  to  require  a  ''  competent  naval  force  "  on  the  coast 
from  Cape  Horn  to  California."  The  need  of  a  passage 
through  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  was  felt,^  and  in  1826,  Cap- 
tain Thomas  ap  Catesby  Jones  was  ordered  to  go  to  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  to  protect  commerce,  to  relieve  the  islands 
of  American  seamen  who  had  improperly  deserted  from 
whalers,  to  arrange  to  prevent  desertions  in  the  future,  and 
to  secure  debts  due  American  citizens.  He  induced  the 
sailors  there  to  join  ships  in  need  of  their  services,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  negotiate '  a  treaty  with  the  king  (December  23, 
1826)  by  which  the  latter  agreed  to  permit  trade,  to  aid 
wrecked  vessels,  to  assist  in  preventing  desertions,  and,  in 
time  of  war,  to  protect  United  States  ships  and  citizens,  in 
the  Hawaiian  Islands,  against  all  our  enemies.'  He  found 
that  the  British  consul  and  influential  foreigners  and  ship- 
masters were  against  the  missionaries.^" 

American  commerce  in  the  Pacific  was  at  this  time  aug- 
menting very  rapidly.  In  1826  there  were  2000  seamen  at 
Honolulu  alone,  and,  for  their  protection,  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  in  December,  1827,  recommended  that  six  ves- 
sels be  kept  in  commission  in  the  Pacific."  By  1828  there 
was  no  longer  any  fear  of  our  commerce  being  molested  by 
Spanish  ships,  and  the  Navy  Department  hoped  that  our 
armed  vessels  might  frequently  visit  the  Society,  Sandwich 
and  other  islands  most  frequented  by  our  merchant  ships. 

•  Rp.  Secy,  of  Navy,  Dec,  1826. 

'  H.  Res.,  Dec,  1825.     Naval  Com.  Rp.,  Jan.,  1826. 

'  Ruschenberger:  Voyage  Around  the  World,  1836-37,  chap- 
ter iv. 

'  Though  this  treaty,  or  convention  was  never  ratified  by  the 
United  States  it  continued  to  be  a  tacit  understanding. 

"  Rev.  J.  M.  Alexander:     Islands  of  the  Pacific,  chap.  vii. 

"  Rp.  Secy,  of  Navy,  Dec.  i,  1827. 


41]  Early  Relations  of  Whalers  and  Traders.  -tl 

In  1829  it  was  estimated  that  in  one  year  Hawaii  was  vis- 
ited by  100  American  vessels  with  cargoes  valued  at  $5,000,- 
000.  American  merchants  were  seeking  to  increase  trade 
with  the  Orient,  and  to  secure  a  greater  protection  from  the 
American  Government. 

In  1829  Captain  Finch,  with  the  United  States  ship  Vin- 
centics,  was  sent  by  the  American  Government  to  endeavor 
to  improve  our  relations  in  the  Pacific."  He  visited 
Nukuhiva  [of  the  Washington  Islands],  and,  through  Wil- 
liam Morrison,  as  an  interpreter,  who  was  collecting  san- 
dalwood there,  endeavored  to  persuade  the  chiefs  to  stop 
the  civil  wars  which  arose  from  tribal  jealousies,  and  often 
from  some  mere  petty  theft,  insult  or  misunderstanding. 
He  explained  that  our  purpose  was  good-will  and  peace, 
and  that  our  vessels  fought  only  those  who  ill-treated  our 
defenceless  trading  vessels." 

Passing  on  to  Tahiti,  where  natives  were  less  rude  and 
naked  than  the  Nukuhivans,  he  saw  several  white  persons, 
attended  a  mission  church,  and  found  that  since  1821  the 
island  had  been  governed  by  a  code  of  laws  (and  penalties) 
including  trial  by  jury.  Finding  the  seventeen-year-old 
Queen  Pamare  I.  at  work  (September  i,  1829),  he  alluded 
to  the  recent  conduct  of  herself  and  the  regent  toward  some 
deserters  from  an  American  whaler,  and,  after  the  diplo- 
matic attempt  of  the  regent  to  screen  herself  and  the  queen, 
he  pleasantly  dismissed  the  subject  in  a  manner  calculated 
to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  such  conduct.  Several  secondary 
chiefs  made  short  speeches  expressing  pleasure  as  to  the 
purpose  and  the  manner  of  the  visit,  and  the  queen  sent  a 
letter  to  President  Jackson,  saying:  "  Continue  to  sail 
your  vessels  without  suspicion.  Our  harbors  are  good  and 
our  refreshments  abundant." 


"  C.  S.  Stewart:    A  Visit  to  the  South  Seas. 

"  In  his  reports.  Finch  said  that  for  the  convenience  of  the 
United  States  the  situation  of  Nukuhiva  was  more  convenient  than 
Oahu  or  the  Society  Islands — unless  a  canal  should  be  cut  through 
the  Isthmus. 


42        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [42 

Conditions  at  Hawaii  caused  the  missionaries  to  welcome 
the  arrival  of  the  Vincennes  and  Captain  Finch,  as  well  as 
Chaplain  C.  S.  Stewart,  who  had  been  a  missionary  there  in 
1822-5.  Unfortunately,  the  merchants  and  the  missionaries 
were  at  loggerheads,  the  missionaries  saying  that  Ameri- 
cans, and  other  foreigners,  had  been  guilty  of  bad  conduct 
on  the  islands,  and  had  opposed  all  efforts  of  the  religious 
teachers,  and  that  on  the  slightest  pretext  the  foreign 
officials  threatened  vengeance  upon  the  "  timid  and  peace- 
loving  rulers,"  who  had  accepted  the  decalogue  as  their 
only  code  of  laws.  On  the  other  hand,  the  foreign  resi- 
dents (merchants)  complained  that  the  government  was 
controlled  by  the  missionaries,  and  was  unsatisfactory. 
Finch  saw  at  Oahu  many  indications  of  irregularities  in 
commerce,  severity  to  crews,  and  bad  effects  of  desertions. 
Consul  Jones,  speaking  (October  30,  1829)  of  the  growing 
importance  of  the  Sandwich  Islands  to  the  increasing 
American  trades,  said  there  should  be  semi-annual  visits 
of  United  States  war  vessels  to  reduce  desertions  and  muti- 
nies, and  to  punish  the  guilty. 

At  a  reception  given  by  King  Kanikeaouli,  Captain 
Finch  presented  him  with  maps  and  books,  and  read  him 
a  friendly  message  from  the  President,"  assuring  him  that 
the  United  States  desired  to  preserve  his  sovereign  rights, 
and  sent  war  vessels  for  protection  only  where  native  gov- 
ernments failed  to  protect.  Capt.  Finch  advised  him  to  pre- 
vent the  secretion  of  deserters,  to  liquidate  his  debts,  to 
cease  competing  with  private  individuals  in  the  tavern 
business,  to  spend  his  time  usefully,  to  learn  English,  and 
to  hold  semi-annual  meetings  of  his  chiefs  to  revise  state 
affairs.  He  stated  that  United  States  citizens  violating  the 
laws  should  be  censured. 

American  merchants  and  traders,  residing  at  Oahu,  pro- 
tested against  communication  with  the  king  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy  instead  of  through  the  regular  channels 

"Laura  Fish  Judd:     Honolulu,  etc.,  N.  Y.,  i88o. 


43]  Early  Relations  of  Whalers  and  Traders.  43 

of  the  State  Department.  They  denied  that  American  citi- 
zens had  been  guilty  of  bad  conduct  on  the  island,  declared 
that  the  United  States  would  have  no  cognizance  of  offences 
committed  beyond  the  limits  of  its  jurisdiction,  and  insinu- 
ated that  the  Vincennes  had  done  nothing  but  aid  in  sad- 
dling a  religion  on  the  "  ignorant  and  unsuspecting 
islanders." 

The  king  wrote  to  President  Jackson  (November  23,  1829) 
thanking  him  for  the  maps  and  globes  and  hoping  for  per- 
fect agreement.  The  chiefs,  in  a  conference  with  Finch, 
acknowledged  that  they  owed  American  merchants  $50,000 
and  pledged  themselves  to  pay  it  in  nine  months." 

During  the  next  few  years  there  were  still  other  sources 
of  dispute  at  Hawaii.  The  king,  who  had  charged  no  tax 
or  rent  to  foreigners,  feared  that  by  leasing  land  he  would 
run  the  risk  of  losing  control  over  the  islands,  and  claimed 
the  right  to  prevent  American  citizens  from  selling  or  other- 
wise transferring  their  houses,  stating  that  they  reverted 
to  him  when  they  passed  from  the  original  owner.  In 
1836  Commodore  E.  P.  Kennedy,  of  the  United  States  ship 
Peacock,  opened  negotiations  with  the  king  as  to  subjects  of 
dispute,  but  no  agreement  was  reached." 

Captain  Benjamin  Morrell,  of  the  Antarctic,  who  sailed 
from  New  York  September,  1829,  leaving  his  wife  at 
Manila  (with  the  wife  of  an  English  merchant),  in  April, 
1830,  started  on  a  trip  to  the  Fijis,  and  has  left  us  an  inter- 
esting narrative  of  his  relations  with  the  natives  of  Williams 
(c.  5°  N.,  153°  E.),  Monteverdeson's,  Massacre  and  Bergh's 
Islands,  and  of  islands  discovered  by  him  north  and  east  of 
New  Guinea.  At  Williams  Island,  while  the  girls  were  bring- 
ing him  wreaths  of  wild  flowers  and  receiving  beads,  other 
natives  were  lurking  in  the  bushes  ready  for  a  treacherous 
attack.    At    the    Monteverdeson's    Islands,    the    natives 


"Stewart:    Visit  to  South  Seas,  vol.  ii,  p.  212. 
"  Ruschenberger:     Voj^age  Around  the  World,  1836-37,  pp.  498- 
502. 


44        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [4:4 

brought  cocoanuts  and  bread  fruit,  and  those  who  wore 
clothes  (the  married)  stripped  it  all  off  to  trade  for  old  knives 
and  beads,  but  some  were  preparing  to  make  an  attack  in 
canoes,  and  Morrell  said  he  left  to  prevent  slaughtering 
them.  At  the  Massacre  Islands  Morrell  made  a  treaty  of 
amity  and  commerce  with  King  Nero,  but  soon  after  begin- 
ning to  erect  a  house  and  plant  garden  seeds,  he  saw  signs 
of  treachery,  thieving  and  dissimulation,  and  later,  sixteen 
of  his  men  were  killed  while  making  a  desperate  defence. 
The  natives  suffered  a  heavier  loss,  and  Morrell,  after  going 
to  Manila  for  more  men,  returned  in  September  to  admin- 
ister a  wholesale  chastisement.  With  "  eloquent  cannon," 
he  repulsed  a  flotilla  of  the  natives,  and  then,  after  quieting 
those  of  the  excited  crew  who  wanted  to  depopulate  the 
island,  he  purchased  with  cutlery  a  small  island  (Wallace's) 
and  landed  seventy  men  to  cure  beche-de-mer.  On  Sep- 
tember 1 8,  he  repulsed  several  hundred  yelling  natives  that 
invaded  the  island,  but  being  still  harassed  from  time  to 
time,  he  did  not  wait  to  complete  his  cargo,  but  burned  his 
houses  and  bade  adieu  to  the  crowds  of  inhospitable 
islanders  who  had  eaten  the  whites  they  had  killed,  and  had 
apparently  never  suffered  any  bad  effects.  After  visiting 
other  islands  north  and  east  of  New  Guinea,  where  he  ob- 
tained two  natives,  Morrell  returned  to  New  York  via 
Manila,  Singapore  and  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  in 
1832  published  an  account  of  his  voyages,  claimed  that  he 
had  discovered  a  group  of  islands  where  a  great  opportunity 
was  waiting  for  the  advance  of  enterprise,  and  encouraged 
the  fitting  out  of  a  good  vessel  with  a  crew  of  young  men." 

In  March,  1834,  T.  J.  Jacobs,  aged  16,  and  just  out  of 
college,  joined  a  small  trading  expedition  to  the  Pacific  in 
the  clipper  Margaret  Oakley,  of  which  Morrell  was  captain. 
The  expedition  proved  to  be  principally  one  of  adventure, 
exploration   and   romance  in  the   region   of   Papua  (New 


"  Capt.    Benj.    Morrell:     Narrative    of    Four   Voyages,    1821-31, 
N.  Y.,  1832. 


45]  Early  Relations  of  Whalers  and  Traders.  45 

Guinea),  Bidera  (New  Britain)  and  the  picturesque  Admir- 
alty Islands.  Trade  was  opened  with  well-armed  savages, 
beads  and  pictures  were  given  to  the  girls  and  young  women 
who  came  to  the  vessel  in  canoes,  and  interest  was  taken  in 
watching  the  natives  in  their  love-making  and  their  daily 
sea-bath.  Some  of  the  crew  would  have  been  wilUng  to 
remain  in  this  rural,  romantic  land  of  paradise,  whose  sim- 
ple-hearted people  sometimes  besought  them  not  to  go. 
Jacobs,  whom  the  prince  and  several  women  tried  to  induce 
to  marry  and  settle  on  their  island,  wrote :  "  I  felt  strongly 
tempted  to  embark  forthwith,  in  company  with  several  ship- 
mates, for  the  uninhabited  island  of  Garone,  in  the  Morrell 
group,  and  colonize  the  beautiful  bay.  At  present  it  was 
impracticable;  but  at  another  time  the  captain  intended  to 
return  with  a  party  of  young  men  and  women  from  the 
United  States  for  that  purpose."  In  1844  he  was  still  con- 
templating a  trading  and  colonizing  expedition  to  that 
quarter,  which  he  considered  to  be  "  exceedingly  inviting." 
The  Oakley,  during  her  voyage,  reached  the  vicinity  of  Nor- 
folk Island,  which  had  been  uninhabited  when  visited  by 
Captain  Cook,  in  1774,  but  was  now  a  penal  colony  for  life 
convicts — for  those  of  a  worse  class  than  were  banished  to 
Sydney  (Botany  Bay).  She  then  sailed  through  the  Sulu 
straits  and  traded  at  Sulu  harbor,  passed  the  mouth  of 
Manila  bay  and  exchanged  cargo  below  Canton.  Morrell. 
stating  that  the  romance  of  the  voyage  was  ended,  dismissed 
many  of  the  crew  and  started  to  return  to  New  York,  but 
probably  engaged  in  some  enterprise  in  the  South  Seas." 

Many  Americans  suffered  shipwreck,  privation  and  death 
in  the  Fijis.  About  1827,  the  Oeno  of  Nantucket,  was  ship- 
wrecked there,  and  most  of  the  crew  were  massacred.  In 
1830  an  English  vessel  brought  news  that  a  young  lad, 
whose  widowed  mother  lived  at  Nantucket,  was  still  alive 
on  one  of  the  islands.     Captain  Coffin  and  part  of  the  crew 


"  T.   J.  Jacobs :     Scenes,   Incidents  and  Adventures   in  the   Pa- 
cific Ocean.     N.  Y.,  1844. 


46       American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [46 

of  the  Awaskonks  were  murdered  on  the  islands  a  short 
time  later,  and  the  brig  Fazvn,  of  Salem,  Massachusetts,  was 
lost  there  in  1830.  In  the  same  year  the  Glide,  owned  by 
Joseph  Peabody,  of  Salem,  struck  a  rock  and  sprung  a  leak, 
and  after  going  to  Manila  for  repairs,  returned  to  trade 
and  soon  found  it  necessary  to  retaliate  on  natives  by  driv- 
ing them  to  the  mountains  and  destroying  some  of  their 
canoes."  The  king  seemed  friendly,  and  rebuilt  drying 
houses  destroyed  by  his  hostile  natives,  but  after  his  retire- 
ment to  his  town,  thirty  miles  in  the  interior,  the  Glide 
found  it  convenient  to  leave,  and  was  wrecked  near  by  in  a 
storm.  A  chief  claimed  the  wreck,  and  the  natives  were 
soon  laden  with  plunder.  The  officers  and  crew  seemed  to 
enjoy  the  life  on  the  island,  amidst  bounteous  fruit,  festival 
and  entertainment.  They  (16)  were  finally  carried  by  the 
Harriet  (which  arrived  from  New  York  May  22,  1831)  to 
Wallis  Island,  which  they  said  had  a  beautiful  climate,  plen- 
tiful fruits  and  hospitable  natives.  Arriving  soon  after  at 
Oahu,  where  American  missions  had  been  established  since 
1820,  some  of  them,  reflecting  that  missions  accomplished 
more  good  than  warriors  "  armed  to  the  teeth,"  stated  that 
the  Fijians  could  be  improved  like  the  Hawaiians  and 
Samoans." 

In  many  instances  unfortunate  seamen  were  held  as  cap- 
tives by  the  islanders.  In  1833,  A.  S.  Joy,  of  Nantucket, 
learned  thai:  there  were  white  prisoners  on  the  Tonga  and 
also  on  the  Navigators'  Islands.  On  July  30,  1830,  twenty- 
two  young  men,  excited  with  the  hope  of  seeing  distant 
regions  and  bettering  their  fortunes  from  the  treasures 
of  the  deep,  left  New  Bedford  in  the  Monitor,  under  com- 


"  When  the  Glide  (in  November,  1830)  stopped  at  Overlau,  of  the 
Fijis,  David  Whelpy,  who  had  been  an  American  chieftain  there 
since  deserting  a  whale  ship  from  Nantucket  several  years  before, 
was  on  friendly  terms  with  the  King  of  Bau,  and  seemed  to  have 
great  influence  over  the  natives. 

**W.  G.  Dix  and  James  Oliver:  Wreck  of  the  Glide,  with  Recol- 
lections of  Fiji  and  Wallis  Island.     N.  Y.,  1848. 


47]  Early  Relations  of  Whalers  and  Traders.  47 

mand  of  Captain  E.  C.  Barnard.  They  rounded  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope  and  started  for  one  of  the  Ladrones,  but 
after  much  bad  weather,  their  vessel  struck  on  a  coral  reef 
oflf  Pelew  Islands,  nearly  looo  miles  east  of  the  Philippines, 
and  was  lost.  The  survivors  were  detained  by  the  natives, 
and  through  the  influence  of  an  Englishman,  who  had  de- 
serted his  vessel  twenty  years  before,  and  was  now  a  kind  of 
chief,  they  lived  a  life  of  ease  and  plenty  for  six  months; 
but  tiring  of  the  place,  they  escaped  to  North's  Island, 
where  they  were  attacked.  Captain  Barnard  and  one  other 
returned  to  New  York  to  tell  the  story  of  their  adventure. 

The  news  of  the  capture  and  plunder  of  the  Friendship, 
of  Salem,  Massachusetts,  at  Quallah  Battoo  on  the  coast 
of  Sumatra  (where  she  was  engaged  in  the  pepper  trade) 
on  February  9,  1831,  induced  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment to  take  prompt  action  for  securing  better  protection 
for  American  sailors  and  commerce  along  the  coasts  and  on 
the  islands  of  the  Far  East."  The  United  States  frigate 
Potomac  was  immediately  sent  to  investigate,  and  being 
able  to  obtain  no  satisfactory  negotiations,  proceeded  to 
retaliate  by  attacking  the  town.  The  American  troops 
silently  disembarked  after  midnight,  firing  soon  began,  and 
notwithstanding  the  hard  fighting  of  the  whooping  natives, 
in  which  even  women  participated,  the  Malays  were  defeated 
and  the  American  colors  in  a  few  hours  waved  over  their 
forts."  Captain  Downs,  in  making  peace,  informed  the  na- 
tives that  if  they  perpetrated  any  more  outrages  they  would 
be  punished  again.  J.  N.  Reynolds,  who  went  with  the 
expedition,  urged  that  a  few  instances  of  prompt  retaliation 
would  have  a  good  eflfect  by  impressing  nations  with  our 
power.  Sailing  home  via  Oahu,  he  learned  from  a  letter  of 
Consul  J.  C.  Jones  to  Captain  Downs,  that  persons  from 
nearly  all  the  whalers  caused  trouble  to  the  captains  by  at- 

^  President  Jackson's  Message,  Dec.  6,  1831. 

"  Francis  Warriner:  Cruise  of  the  U.  S.  Frigate  Potomac  round 
the  World,  1831-34,  N.  Y.,  1835.  J.  N.  Reynolds:  Voyage  of  the 
Potomac,  1831-34,  N.  Y.,  1835. 


48        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [48 

tempts  at  mutiny  or  desertion,  and  afterwards  became  out- 
laws on  shore.  He  believed  that  some  of  the  causes  of 
abuse  in  the  whale  fleets  could  be  reached  only  by  the  strong 
arm  of  the  United  States  Government,  and  advocated  that, 
besides  regular  visits  of  war  vessels,  the  number  of  consuls 
should  be  increased  and  that  they  should  receive  regular 
salaries.^ 

Observing  our  increasing  interests  at  Valparaiso  and 
northward,  and  looking  westward  to  the  new  and  extensive 
island  world,  Reynolds  said  the  vast  Pacific  was,  by  force  of 
events,  becoming  an  ocean  in  which  the  Americans  were 
immediately  interested,  and  would  probably  be  the  theatre 
of  our  future  sea  fights.  He  urged  the  necessity  of  a  gov- 
ernment exploring  expedition  to  the  South  Seas,  greater 
protection  to  trade,  and  the  establishment  of  safe  harbors. 

Soon  after  the  dispatch  of  the  Potomac  to  Sumatra,  the 
Jackson  administration,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  United 
States  had  no  colonial  establishments,  felt  the  necessity  of 
securing  ports  in  the  vicinity  of  Borneo,  Siam  and  Japan,  at 
which  American  vessels  m.ight  always  be  received  and  pro- 
tected, and  sent  Edmund  Roberts  with  instructions  (1832) 
to  negotiate  for  treaties  for  the  safety  of  seamen  and  com- 
merce." Soon  the  project  for  a  United  States  exploring 
expedition  to  the  Pacific,  proposed  long  before,  was  re- 
vived, and  the  Government  was  finally  induced  to  under- 
take it. 

^  The  Potomac,  stopping  at  the  Galapagos  group,  carried  the  news 
to  J.  Vilomil,  a  native  of  Louisiana,  that  he  had  been  appointed 
consul  at  Guayaquil  but  he  could  not  be  induced  to  accept  it. 
See  page  60. 

'*  I  Sp.  M.,  52. 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  UNITED  STATES  EXPLORING  EXPEDI- 
TION/ 1839-43. 

During  the  first  half  century  of  her  existence,  though 
her  vessels  sailed  around  the  globe,  and  European  powers 
were  planting  colonies  and  making  explorations  on  far-off 
shores,  the  United  States  did  not  adopt  any  systematic 
effort  to  obtain  geographical  knowledge  in  the  Pacific 
where  American  enterprise  and  commerce  had  been  extend- 
ing so  rapidly.  It  was  a  period  of  internal  development; 
but  the  importance  of  pointing  out  harbors  and  paths  for 
seamen  in  the  Pacific  was  gradually  learned  from  the  school 
of  experience. 

From  the  earliest  times  the  desire  to  secure  a  lucrative 
trade  was  not  the  only  motive  which  induced  men  to  sail 
on  long  journeys  to  the  distant  seas.  Some  sought  ad- 
venture and  romance,  and  others  were  urged  by  the  desire 
to  discover  new  fields  of  activity.  In  the  spring  of  1812, 
President  Madison  took  steps  to  aid  an  expedition  under 
Captain  Edward  Fanning  to  make  explorations  in  the  South 
Seas  and  voyage  around  the  world,  but  the  enterprise  was 
abandoned  on  account  of  the  opening  of  the  war  with  Eng- 
land.^ In  September,  1817,  the  Sea  Fox  sailed  from  New 
York  to  the  New  South  Shetlands  and  Palmer's  Land.* 


^  Charles  Wilkes :  The  U.  S.  Exploring  Expedition.  5  vols. 
Phila.,  1845.  [Subsequently,  eleven  additional  volumes  were  pub- 
lished.] 

^  H.  Doc.  57,  26-1,  vol.  ii. 

'  Captain  Briscoe,  of  London,  in  1832,  observed  an  island  67°  15' 

south  latitude,  69°  29'  west  longitude,  which  he  took  possession 

of   in   the    name    of   William    IV.  and   called   Adelaide   Island,    in 

honor  of  the   English  queen.     Commenting  on  this  act,   Captain 

4 


50       American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [~>0 

In  1822  Captain  Benjamin  Morrell  sailed  to  the  Antarctic 
seas  in  the  Wasp.  Reaching  70°  14',  he  resolved  to  make 
an  appeal  to  the  United  States  Government  for  countenance 
and  assistance  to  enable  him  to  go  farther.  "  To  the  only 
free  nation  on  the  earth,"  said  he,  "  should  belong  the 
glory  of  exploring  a  spot  of  the  globe  which  is  the  ne  plus 
ultra  of  latitude."*  Fanning  was  confident  that  vessels 
could  reach  the  South  Pole,  and  in  1829-30  he  was  in  charge 
of  the  brigs  Seraph  and  Annawan  on  an  "  infant  expedition  " 
to  the  South  Seas." 

In  1826,  John  N.  Reynolds,  a  native  of  Ohio,  and  a  con- 
gressman (who  went  with  the  Annawan  expedition  as  far 
as  the  west  coast  of  South  America),  had  proposed  the  pro- 
ject of  a  Pacific  and  Polar  expedition  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Government.'  His  idea  was  seconded  by  citizens  of 
Nantucket  and  other  New  England  seaports,  and  by  the 
legislatures  of  seven  States.  The  Maryland  House  of  Dele- 
gates, mentioning  the  enterprise  of  other  nations  in  ac- 
quiring geographical  knowledge,  extending  their  influ- 
ence, and  opening  new  channels  of  commerce,  asserted 
that    the    United    States,    after    its    success    in    the    stu- 

Morrell  said:  "But  these  lands  were  visited  fifteen  years  ago  by 
our  sealers  and  taken  possession  of  in  the  name  of  our  sovereign, 
the  people;  and  when  a  true  record  shall  be  made  .  .  .  the  name 
of  Adelaide  Island  must  be  changed  ....  We  have  a  long  run- 
ning, unsettled  account  in  this  matter  of  giving  names  to  places, 
vi^ith  some  of  our  neighbors,  which  we  may  as  well  begin  to  have 
posted  up,  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  future  disputes.  .  .  .  Our 
hardy  seamen  feel  able  even  to  cast  anchor  on  that  point  where  all 
the  meridians  terminate,  where  our  flag  may  be  unfurled  and  left 
to  wave."     [J.  N.  Reynolds'  Address,  1836.] 

*  Capt.  Benj.  Morrell:  A  Narrative  of  Four  Voyages  to  the 
South  Sea,  etc.,  1822-31,  N.  Y.,  1832. 

"  Edward  Fanning:     Voyages  Around  the  World,  etc.,  1792- 1832. 

'  During  the  summer  of  1828  Reynolds  had  obtained  data  from 
whaling  captains  of  New  London,  Newport,  Nantucket,  etc..  and 
from  their  log-books,  showing  that  200  American  vessels  were  en- 
gaged in  whaling  and  seal  fisheries,  capturing  about  8000  whales 
each  year,  and  that  our  enterprising  seamen  had  often  discovered 
rocks,  reefs,  and  islands,  and  in  many  cases  had  given  valuable  in- 
formation to  European  chart  makers. 


51]  The  U.  S.  Exploring  Expedition.  51 

pendous  experiment  of  self-government  in  politics,  with  its 
increasing  population  and  commercial  relations  and  interest 
coextensive  with  the  civilized  world,  could  afford  to  enter 
into  the  "  interesting  and  extensive  field  for  enterprise  in 
the  Southern  hemisphere,"  and  offered  a  resolution  that 
''  a  polar  expedition  could  scarcely  fail  in  adding  something 
to  the  general  stock  of  national  wealth  and  knowledge, 
and  to  the  honor  and  glory  of  the  United  States." '  Other 
petitions  or  memorials  urged  that  the  American  industry  in 
the  Pacific  having  increased  the  wealth  of  our  country,  and 
furnished  a  nursery  for  bold  and  hardy  seamen,  as  well  as 
a  source  of  employment  and  human  comforts,  had  made  in- 
tercourse with  the  Pacific  a  matter  of  public  interest  and 
should  be  encouraged  by  the  survey  of  islands  and  coasts." 

In  January  and  February,  1828,  the  subject  was  brought 
before  Congress  by  executive  documents,  and  on  May  21 
a  resolution  of  the  House  requested  the  President  to  send 
one  or  more  small  vessels  to  the  Pacific  and  South  Seas 
to  examine  coasts,  islands  and  reefs,  and  ascertain  their 
location.  The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  selected  the  Peacock, 
and  in  November,  1828,  suggested  the  purchase  of  another 
vessel  and  the  selection  of  instruments  and  scientific  men. 

In  February,  1829,  the  House  still  urged  the  expedition, 
and  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  in  a  document  sent  to  that 
body,  stated  that  the  object  was  to  examine  islands  and 
coasts.  "  both  known  and  unknown,"  as  far  south  as  cir- 
cumstances, safety  and  prudence  would  permit  explora- 
tions, and  that  an  additional  appropriation  would  be 
needed.* 

The  Senate,  to  which  the  House  resolution  had  never 
been  submitted,  feeling  that  the  expedition  would  be  ex- 
pensive and  was  related  to  the  foreign  policy,  favored  delay 
and  investigation,  and  hoped  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 


■  H.  Exec.  Doc.  88,  20-1,  vol.  iii,  Jan.  22,  1828. 

"  H.  Exec.  Docs.  179  and  201,  20-1,  vol.  v,  Feb.  and  March.  1828. 

'  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  77,  20-2.  Feb.  16.  1829. 


52        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [52 

would  never  again  feel  justified  to  act  upon  the  resolution 
of  the  House  alone.  The  Senate  committee,  considering  the 
wide  unsettled  and  unexplored  regions  at  home,  saw  noth- 
ing in  the  condition  of  the  United  States  to  recommend 
distant  voyages  of  exploration,  and  feared  that  the  discov- 
ery of  countless  islands  or  new  continents  might  result  in 
the  evils  of  adventure,  visionary  hopes  and  large  emigra- 
tion, tending  to  urge  us  "  to  plant  the  American  standard 
on  soil  discovered  by  American  enterprise,"  and,  perhaps, 
to  establish  distant  and  expensive  colonies,  "  which  could 
only  be  defended  at  an  expense  not  to  be  estimated,  and 
which  could  not  be  taken  under  the  protection  of  the 
United  States  without  an  abandonment  of  the  fundamental 
principles  of  our  policy,  and  a  departure  from  those  wise 
and  prudent  maxims  which  have  hitherto  restrained  us  from 
forming  unnecessary  connexions  abroad." 

The  majority  of  the  committee  thought  that  before  ven- 
turing upon  a  premature  expedition  to  distant  seas,  where 
even  to  survey  the  200  known  islands  would  be  a  large 
undertaking,  the  Government  should  make  accurate  sur- 
veys of  our  coasts.  Though  they  held  that  the  opening  of 
new  sources  to  commerce,  as  well  as  agriculture,  might 
safely  be  left  to  the  enterprise  and  instinctive  sagacity  of 
individuals,  they  favored  a  small  expedition  to  make  surveys 
in  the  track  of  our  vessels  in  the  Pacific." 

After  sailing  to  the  Pacific  and  circumnavigating  the 
globe,  Reynolds  returned  to  the  United  States  in  1834,  and 
prepared  to  renew  his  project  in  Congress.  Collecting  in- 
formation which  he  had  received  from  the  whalers,"  he 
proposed  exploration  on  both  sides  of  the  equator  from 
South  America  to  Asia,  and  southward  beyond  previous  dis- 
coveries. (Captain  Cook  had  been  stopped  by  ice  at  68° 
south  latitude,  but  Captain  Palmer  and  other  Americans  had 

"Sen.  Rp.  94,  20-2,  Feb.  23,  1829.  Mrs.  A.  E.  Carrell,  on  the 
"  First  American  Exploring  Expedition,"  in  Harper's  Mag.,  vol. 
xliv,  Dec,  1871. 

"  Exec.  Doc.  105,  23-2,  Jan.  24,  1835. 


53]  The  U.  S.  Exploring  Expedition.  53 

gone  beyond  that  in  search  of  furs  and  seals.)  J.  Q.  Adams 
led  the  House  in  favor  of  the  expedition,  and  an  act  of  Con- 
gress, May  14,  1835,  authorized  it.  Many  thought  the 
expedition  should  be  scientific,  and  that  it  might  throw 
some  light  on  the  source  of  the  American  aborigines.  Some 
opposed  the  enterprise  on  the  ground  that  it  was  an  eastern 
measure,  and  a  visionary  one."  Hawes,  of  Kentucky  (May 
5,  1836)  compared  it  to  the  establishment  of  light-houses  in 
the  skies,  and  said,  if  it  passed,  he  expected  a  proposition 
for  a  voyage  to  the  moon  next.  Others  urged  that  it  was 
for  the  general  interest.  Though  Jackson  favored  the  ex- 
pedition, his  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Dickerson,  did  not, 
and  during  the  three  years  of  preparation  Russia  sent  out 
three  expeditions. 

Reynolds  continued  to  urge  that  the  United  States  should 
increase  our  knowledge  of  the  Pacific  "  in  order  to  render 
less  hazardous  the  voyages  of  our  hardy  sailors  upon  the 
rock-chafed  billows  of  seas  only  partially  explored,  and  in 
unfrequented  bays  of  barbarous  natives.  Of  the  coast  of 
Sumatra,  where  many  of  our  vessels  sailed  and  where  we 
had  recently  sent  the  Potomac  to  punish  the  natives  who  had 
captured  the  American  Friendship,  we  had  no  charts;  nor 
had  we  any  of  the  Fijis,  where  several  of  our  ships  had  been 
lost  and  men  slaughtered.  In  the  vicinity  of  the  Society, 
New  Caledonia  and  Solomon's  Islands,  where  we  had  over 
200  whale  ships,  there  was  much  danger  of  shipwreck.  The 
stories  of  lost  mariners  were  not  fictions.  Almost  every 
arrival  from  the  Pacific  "  brought  some  news  of  shipwreck, 
mutiny  or  massacre.  Even  at  the  Friendly  Islands  cap- 
tains had  been  seized  in  order  to  exact  ransoms,  and  the 
presence  of  a  man-of-war  seemed  to  be  necessary  to  pro- 
tect seamen  who  had  never  received  any  bounties,  but  who, 
as  children  of  the  sea,  might  be  called  to  bear  a  double  share 

"  Cong.  Globe,  May  9,  1836. 
''J.  N.  Reynolds'  Address,  Apr.  3,  1836. 

"  In  1837  it  was  estimated  that  the  United  States  had  460  vessels 
in  the  Pacific.    This  was  one-tenth  of  all  our  tonnage. 


54        American  Rclatians  in  the  PaeiHc  and  Far  East.       [54 

of  usefulness  in  some  great  ocean  conflict  of  the  future.  The 
United  States  squadron  on  the  Pacific  coasts  at  this  time 
consisted  only  of  one  frigate,  two  sloops  and  a  schooner. 
Reynolds  considered  that  a  judicious  exhibition  of  a 
stronger  force,  together  with  a  humane  policy,  was  neces- 
sary to  gain  the  confidence  of  the  natives." 

Those  who  urged  the  expedition  proposed  that  it  should 
have  the  following  purposes:'" 

1.  To  note  accurately  the  position  of  islands  and  harbors 
and  rocks  along  the  paths  of  United  States  whalers  and 
traders. 

2.  To  release  from  the  islands  unhappy  captives  left  there 
by  wrecks. 

3.  To  suppress  misconduct  on  American  vessels,  prevent 
mutiny  and  desertions,  and  endeavor  to  end  cruelty,  licen- 
tiousness and  extortion  in  the  islands. 

4.  Look  for  land  in  the  South  polar  seas. 

5.  Collect  specimens  and  facts  to  subserve  the  advance- 
ment of  science  in  natural  history,  linguistics,  etc. 

Leaders  in  Navy  Department  circles  held  that  it  would 
encroach  upon  the  rights  of  naval  officers  for  a  corps  of 
scientific  citizens  to  accompany  the  expedition.  Many  ob- 
stacles were  presented  to  defeat  the  object  of  the  enterprise. 
The  people  were  told  that  it  would  be  expensive,  confer 
no  benefit  upon  commerce,  and  that  it  aimed  at  nothing 
but  to  explore  Antarctic  icebergs.  The  Navy  Department 
decided  Reynolds  should  not  accompany  the  expedition, 
and  taking  advantage  of  the  crisis  of  1837,  convoked  a 


"On  June  11,  1836,  Benjamin  Rodman,  of  New  Bedford,  in  a 

letter  to  J.  N.  Reynolds,  referring  to  the  advantages  which  the  ex- 
pedition would  have  upon  our  marine  colonies,  said:  "Why 
should  we  have  governors,  judges,  and  all  the  paraphernalia  of 
courts  in  territories  where  there  is  a  bare  possibility  that  an  Indian 
may  be  murdered,  or  become  a  murderer,  steal  a  horse  or  have 
his  horse  stolen;  and  not  have  a  superintending  influence  abroad, 
where  our  ships  are  daily  traversing  from  island  to  island  .... 
that  the  savage  may  be  awed  into  respect,  and  the  mutineer's  hand 
bound  in  submission?"  '*   N.  Am.  Rev.,  Oct.,  1837. 


56]  The  U.  S.  Exploring  Expedition.  55 

new  commission  to  cut  down  the  force.  Jones,  who  was 
to  have  commanded  the  expedition,  resigned;  Shubrick  de- 
clined to  take  his  place;  Kearney  was  prevented  from  ac- 
cepting the  command;  Captain  Gregory,  being  a  friend  of 
Reynolds,  declined,  and  Wilkes,  who  had  been  in  Europe 
making  purchases  of  instruments,  was  appointed  over  the 
heads  of  his  fellow-officers. 

The  expedition  was  finally  organized  in  1838.^"  Its  pur- 
pose was  purely  "  scientific  and  useful,"  though  several 
scientific  men  were  not  permitted  to  sail  with  it."  It  was 
divested  of  all  military  character,  the  armament  being 
adopted  merely  for  necessary  defence  against  natives,  while 
engaged  in  surveys,  and  not  adopted  with  views  of  conquest 
or  war.     There  were  six  vessels  in  the  squadron : " 

The  Vincennes,  sloop-of-war 780  tons 

"     Peacock,  sloop-of-war 650     " 

"     Porpoise,  gun-brig  230     " 

"     Relief,  slow-going  store  ship. 

"     Sea  Gull,  New  York  pilot-boat.  .110     "       )         , 

"     Flying  Fish,  New  York  pilot-boat.  96     "       j 

Wilkes  was  directed  by  his  instructions  to  determine  the 
longitude  of  Rio  Janeiro,  examine  the  resources  of  Rio 
Negro,  make  researches  at  Terra  del  Fuego,  explore  the 
South  Antarctic  between  Powell's  group  and  Palmer's  Land, 
sail  to  Cook's  nc  plus  ultra  in  105  west  longitude,  return  to 
Valparaiso  for  supplies,  visit  the  Society  Islands,  verify  the 
position  of  certain  shoals  in  the  Navigators'  group,  examine 
the  Fijis  with  a  view  to  the  selection  of  a  harbor  for  whaling 
vessels,  go  to  Sydney  and  from  there  make  a  second 
attempt  to  penetrate  within  the  Antarctic  circle  south  of  Van 
Dieman's  Land,  and  after  returning  to  the  Sandwich  Islands 
for  more  stores,  to  explore  along  the  Columbia  river  and 

"  Exec.  Doc.  147,  25-2,  vol.  vii,  Feb.  5,  1838.    630  pp.  with  good 
alphabetical  index. 
"  For  the  sake  of  harmony,  Reynolds  was  not  allowed  to  go. 
'*  Exec.  Doc.  25s,  25-2,  vol.  viii,  Mar.  16,  1838. 


56        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [56 

California,  then  direct  his  course  to  Japan,  endeavor  to  find 
a  safe  route  through  the  Sulu  sea  which  would  shorten  the 
route  of  our  vessels  to  China  during  the  season  of  contrary 
monsoons  (and  facilitate  our  navigation  with  the  Philip- 
pines) and  return  to  the  United  States  via  the  Straits  of 
Billiton,  Singapore,  and  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.*" 

Before  reaching  the  Pacific  Wilkes  stopped  at  Madeira, 
made  a  brief  stay  at  St.  lago,  of  the  Cape  Verde  group, 
and  remained  at  Rio  six  weeks  for  repairs  and  to  re- 
place inferior  supplies.  The  passage  around  Cape  Horn 
was  dangerous  and  the  Sea  Gull  was  lost.  On  April  14  the 
Relief  reached  Valparaiso.  In  May  the  Vincennes  and  Pea- 
cock arrived.  The  squadron  next  stopped  in  Callao,  the 
harbor  of  Lima.  The  Relief  then  went  to  the  Sandwich 
Islands  and  to  Sydney  carrying  supplies.  Wilkes,  with 
other  vessels,  went  to  the  Poumotu  group  (Low  Archi- 
pelago or  Tuomata).  A  month  later  he  reached  Minerva 
Island  (Clermont  Tonnerre)  of  the  same  group  and  began 
the  study  of  corals.  The  few  natives  seen  gave  no  welcome, 
and  apparently  did  not  want  to  be  discovered.  "  Go  to 
your  lands,"  said  they,  "  this  belongs  to  us  and  we  do  not 
want  to  have  anything  to  do  with  you." 

Tahiti,  where  Cook  observed  the  transit  of  Venus  in  1769, 
was  the  next  rendezvous.  American,  British  and  French 
consuls  lived  there  (also  missionaries),  and  whaling  vessels 
often  came  for  supplies.  The  natives  brought  a  profusion 
of  pigs,  cocoanuts  and  bananas.  Owing  to  the  clamorous 
press  of  natives,  only  great  chiefs  were  permitted  to  come 
aboard."  The  latter  came  to  solicit  laundry  work.  While 
surveys  were  being  made  the  scientists  studied  the  geo- 
logical formations  of  the  island.  Wilkes  found  it  necessary 
to  protest  against  illicit  trade  and  excessive  use  of  in- 
toxicants. 


**  Synopsis  of  the  Wilkes  Expedition,  Washington,  1842. 
"  Women  were  not  allowed  to  come  on  the  ship  at  night,  as  they 
had  evidently  been  accustomed  to  do  with  other  vessels. 


57]  The  U.  S.  Exploring  Expedition.  57 

After  a  visit  to  Eimeo,  Wilkes  sailed  to  the  Samoan 
Islands  and  surveyed  and  mapped  them  as  he  had  Tahiti. 
At  Oloosinga  he  dined  with  the  king,  and  not  understanding 
Samoan  etiquette,  came  near  creating  a  disturbance  by 
showing  the  same  courtesy  to  a  kanaka  (common)  as  he  did 
to  the  king.  He  surveyed  Pango  Pango  harbor,  of  Tutuila, 
and  the  Bay  of  Apia,  of  Upolu.  The  council  of  chiefs  of  the 
Malo  party,  in  the  presence  of  the  naval  officers  and  mis- 
sionaries (November  5,  1839),  agreed  to  rules  and  regula- 
tions for  protection  of  foreign  consuls,  vessels  and  seamen, 
the  apprehension  of  deserters,  prohibition  of  all  trade  in 
spirituous  liquors,  and  all  work  on  Sunday,  except  when 
absolutely  necessary,  and  regulating  landing  anchorage  and 
pilotage.  For  a  dangerous  renegade  that  the  United  States 
desired,  a  large  reward  was  offered. 

From  Apia,  Wilkes  sailed  to  Sydney  via  Fijis,  and  after 
examining  into  social  problems  and  penal  colonies,  pre- 
pared to  explore  in  the  polar  ice-iields.  Leaving  the  scien- 
tific corps,  he  started  on  a  voyage  of  two  and  one-half 
months,  and  on  January  16,  1840,  discovered  land  within 
the  Antarctic  circle."  After  completing  repairs  at  Sydney, 
he  went  to  New  Zealand  and  witnessed  native  war  dances, 
but  was  not  interested  in  what  he  saw  there.  On  reaching 
the  Tonga  (Friendly)  group  he  found  the  natives  quarrelling 
and  trying  to  annex  neighbors'  territory,  and  he  attempted 
to  reconcile  the  parties. 

At  the  Fijis,  where  he  lost  two  officers  through  the 
treacherous  character  of  the  cannibalistic  natives,  he  ob- 
tained (June  10,  1840)  the  signatures  of  eleven  kings  and 
chiefs  to  the  agreement  concerning  rules  and  regulations 
previously  accepted  by  Samoan  chiefs." 

At  the  Sandwich  Islands  (October,  1840)  he  received 
information  from  the  United  States.     He  was  impressed 


"  U.  S.  Exploring  Expedition,  vol.  ii,  chaps,  ix  and  x. 
'^  G.  M.   Colvocoresses:     Four  years  in  a  Government  Expedi- 
tion, 1838-42.     N.  Y.,  1852. 


58        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       ['iH 

with  the  good  influence  of  the  missionaries  in  the  trans- 
formation of  the  natives.  After  a  brief  rest,  the  Vincennes 
and  Porpoise  were  directed  toward  the  coast  of  Oregon,  and 
the  Peacock  sailed  to  the  Phoenix  group,  Samoa,  ElHce  and 
Kingsmill  groups,  and  then  via  Honolulu  to  the  Oregon 
coast,  where  it  was  wrecked." 

Returning  to  Hawaii  in  October,  1841,  Wilkes  sailed  to 
Manila  "  and  made  observations  in  the  interior  of  Luzon. 
Of  the  Sulu  sea  he  made  surveys  and  charts,  and,  at  Sohung, 
obtained  a  treaty  (a  promise)  from  the  Sultan,  guaranteeing 
protection  to  all  United  States  vessels  visiting  his  dominion. 
Reaching  Singapore  in  February,  1842,  he  sailed  home  via 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  with  a  cargo  of  plants  and  seeds,  from 
the  South  Seas,  which  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  Botanical 
Gardens  at  Washington. 

Soon  after  his  return  to  the  United  States,  Wilkes  was 
arraigned  before  a  court-martial  on  charges  of  oppression, 
injustice  to  his  men,  illegal  and  severe  punishment  of  merci- 
less savages,  falsehood  and  scandalous  conduct,  but  he  was 
acquitted  after  an  investigation  of  six  weeks."  In  his  own 
report  of  the  expedition,.  Wilkes  said:  "I  shall  always 
have  the  proud  and  conscientious  feeling  of  having  done 
my  duty ;  and  that  I  have  carried  the  moral  influence  of  our 
country  wherever  our  flag  has  waved." 

The  Wilkes  expedition  was  followed  by  exploring  expe- 
ditions to  other  parts  of  the  world:  Lynch  to  the  Dead 
sea,  Fremont  to  California,  and  Dr.  Kane  to  the  Arctic 
regions.  The  second  national  enterprise  by  the  United 
States  in  the  Pacific  was  undertaken  in  1853,  under  the 
direction  of  Commander  Cadwallader  Ringgold,  and  its 
purpose  was  to  make  explorations  and  meteorological  ob- 
servations in  Behring  sea,  the  Japan  sea,  the  Yellow  sea, 


"  U.  S.  Exploring  Expedition,  vol.  v. 

"  His  report  of  the  expedition  gives  a  summary  of  the  history 
of  Manila. 

"Navy  Dept.  Tracts,  vol.  xiv,  No.  25.  Wilkes:  Antarctic  Ex- 
ploration.    [Letter  to  Washington  Union,  Aug.  12,  1847.] 


59]  The  U.  S.  Exploring  Expedition.  59 

and  the  Japan,  Kurile,  Aleutian  and  Bonin  Islands  "  in  the 
interests  of  commerce,  and  for  the  welfare  and  protection 
of  the  many  American  citizens  who  were  engaged  in  the 
whale  fisheries.  It  consisted  of  five  vessels:  the  Vincennes, 
the  steamer  John  Hancock,  the  brig  Porpoise,  the  tender 
/.  Fenimore  Cooper,  and  the  John  P.  Kennedy.  Important 
surveys  in  the  North  Pacific  were  conducted  under  the 
command  of  John  Rodgers^'  The  increasing  importance 
of  South  America,  the  interesting  islands  to  the  westward, 
and  California  and  Oregon,  induced  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  in  December,  1856,  to  recommend  that  the  regular 
Pacific  force  should  be  supplemented  by  a  second 
squadron." 

"  F.  D.  Stuart:  Journal  of  a  cruise  of  the  U.  S.  Ship  Vincennes. 
[In  MS.  at  Navy  Department.] 

"Rep.  of  Secy,  of  Navy,  Dec.  3.  1855.  Lieut.  A.  W.  Haber- 
sham:    My  Last  Cruise.     Phila.,  1857. 

^  In  185s,  the  regular  Pacific  squadron  cruised  in  the  vicinity  of 
Astoria,  Hawaii,  Fiji,  Mexico,  and  Chile.  In  December,  1855,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  announced  that  a  vessel  would  soon  be  sent 
to  correct  irregularities  of  the  natives  in  the  Marquesas  group. 


CHAPTER  VI. 
COLONIAL  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

The  Port  Lloyd  Colony  in  the  Bonin  Islands. 

Among  the  many  American  pioneers  in  the  Pacific  who 
for  over  a  century,  with  silent  and  persevering  efforts,  have 
led  in  a  movement  of  whose  magnitude  they  scarcely 
dreamed,  there  were  some  who  long  ago  had  views  of  estab- 
lishing settlements  or  securing  advantageous  stations  on 
islands  in  the  Far  East.'     Delano,  who  sailed  from  Boston 

^  Others  were  interested  in  establishments  on  islands  nearer  to 
the  American  coast  of  the  Pacific. 

In  1813,  Captain  D.  Porter,  asserting  American  rights  by  dis- 
covery, conquest  and  possession,  and  "  influenced  by  humanity " 
and  the  request  of  the  friendly  natives,  as  well  as  by  views  of  na- 
tional policy,  and  the  immediate  need  of  security  and  supplies  for 
his  vessels,  formally  took  possession  of  Madison  Island,  of  the 
Washington  group,  and  took  steps  to  hold  it. 

In  1832,  Governor  J.  Vilomil,  a  native  of  Louisiana,  established 
on  Charles  Island,  of  the  Galapagos  group,  a  colony  which  he  had 
long  projected.  In  181 1,  he  thought  of  applying  to  Spain  for  per- 
mission to  make  the  settlement,  but  heard  that  Spain  would  prob- 
ably not  permit  it.  When  Colombia  established  its  independence 
he  again  contemplated  his  colony,  but  his  friends  discouraged  him 
and  kept  him  inactive  until  1820  when,  influenced  by  the  death  of 
his  wife  and  two  children,  and  tired  of  society,  he  petitioned  for  a 
charter  which,  granted  in  1831,  conceded  the  possession  of  the 
islands  and  authorized  the  establishment  of  a  colony.  Colonel 
Hernandez  and  twelve  colonists  who,  in  January,  1832,  were  sent 
to  take  possession,  were  followed  in  April  and  June  by  both  men 
and  women,  and,  in  October,  by  Governor  Vilomil  and  eighty 
others.  They  labored  with  zeal,  and  soon  the  productions  of  the 
island  were  enough  for  several  hundred  more  inhabitants.  Gov- 
ernor Vilomil,  who,  seated  upon  his  rock,  exercised  almost  abso- 
lute power,  under  the  severest  penalties  prohibited  the  introduc- 
tion of  liquors,  and  administered  severe  punishments  when  they 
were  considered  necessary  to  teach  the  colonists  that  their  true 


61]  Colonial  Establishments.     '  61 

as  second  officer  on  the  Massachusetts,  March,  1790,  left 
the  vessel  at  Macao  and  entered  English  service  under  Com- 
modore McClure,  who  planned  and  began  a  romantic  pro- 
ject of  making  an  establishment  on  the  Pelew  Islands. 

In  1834  Captain  Morrell  visited  some  small  islands  of  the 
Admiralty  and  other  groups,  which  he  had  intentions  of 
colonizing  with  a  party  of  young  men  and  women  from  the 
United  States." 

In  1832,  five  white  persons,''  with  a  small  party  of  natives, 
sailed  from  the  Sandwich  Islands  to  establish  a  colony  on 
Peel  Island,  one  of  the  uninhabited,  picturesque  Bonin 
group,  500  miles  from  Japan.  Having  tried  and  become 
tired  of  various  climes,  they  sighed  for  a  far-off  isolated 
island  where  they  "  could  love  as  they  loved  in  the  golden 
time."  They  had  been  informed  by  Charlton,  the  British 
consul,  that  the  islands  had  waters  abounding  in  fish  and 
turtle,  woods  full  of  game,  shores  with  safe  harbors,  and 
fertile  valleys  green  with  verdure  and  capable  of  yielding 
rich  returns.  On  reaching  Port  Lloyd  with  their  stock 
and  garden  seeds,  and  the  British  flag,  they  found  that  they 
had  been  misled,  but  saw  that  it  was  too  late  to  return.  The 
beautiful  scenery — bays,  valleys,  ravines,  natural  tunnels, 
and  wide-spreading  trees — were  attractive,  but  Mazarra  saw 
nothing  to  invite  permanent  settlement,  and  his  party  soon 
found  that  in  this  Far  West  men  must  work,  and  that  waters 
reflecting  the  bright  stars  on  silent  nights  were  frequently 
tossed  by  typhoons,  earthquakes  and  irregular  winds. 

interests  were  peace  among  themselves  and  justice  towards  the 
people  of  visiting  vessels.  Though  appointed  United  States  consul 
at  Guayaquil,  he  declined  the  position,  stating  that  he  could  be  of 
more  service  as  governor  of  his  colony,  and  that  his  enterprise 
would  be  valuable  to  at  least  one  branch  of  American  commerce. 
J.  N.  Reynolds  visited  the  island  in  1833  and  said  it  might  soon 
become  very  important  to  the  whaling  interests  of  the  United 
States  in  the  Pacific  where  a  new  and  extensive  world  was  open- 
ing to  the  people  of  the  West. 

'  See  p.  45. 

^They  were:  Matthew  Mazarra,  a  Genoese;  A.  B.  Chapman  and 
Nathaniel  Savory,  of  Massachusetts;  Richard  Millechamp,  of  Eng- 
land; and  Charles  Johnson,  of  Denmark. 


62        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [62 

The  group  had  been  discovered  as  early  as  1675  by  the 
Japanese.  In  1823,  Captain  Coffin,  of  the  American 
whaler  Transit,  had  visited  one  of  the  islands  and  given  his 
name  to  it.  An  English  whaler,  William,  had  visited  the 
harbor  in  1826  and  was  lost  by  neglect.  In  1827,  Captain 
Beechey,  of  the  British  vessel  Blossom,  had  taken  pos- 
session of  Peel  Island.  The  convenient  intermediary  posi- 
tion of  the  group  for  watching  the  trade  with  China,  the 
Philippines  and  Russia  was  not  fully  seen  at  that  day. 

The  settlers  built  snugly  thatched,  comfortable  cabins  and 
prepared  to  furnish  supplies  for  passing  whalers,  but  their 
life  was  by  no  means  peaceful.  Dissensions  arose.  The 
whaler  Cadmus,  in  1833,  left  fifteen  refractory  seamen,  who 
defiantly  committed  outrages.  In  1836  the  settlers  agreed 
to  a  written  code  called  "  The  laws  of  the  Bonin  Islands," 
which  was  posted  on  the  wall  of  the  dwelling  of  Mr.  Chapin, 
who  had  a  library  of  fifty  or  sixty  books  and  was  charac- 
terized as  polite  and  intelligent.  This  code  provided  that 
all  disputes  should  be  settled  by  the  opinion  of  the  majority  ; 
that  none  should  sell  turtle  or  aid  vessels  in  getting  it;  that 
none  should  maltreat  another's  slaves  or  servants  or  en- 
deavor to  seduce  any  woman  from  her  lord;  and  that  none 
should  encourage  or  aid  desertions  from  ships.  Later  in 
the  same  year,  an  American  vessel  on  a  voyage  around  the 
world,  stopped  at  the  settlement.  Ruschenberger  has  given 
us  a  picture  of  the  people  at  the  time.  There  were  then 
nineteen  women  on  the  island.  The  morality  of  the  com- 
munity was  of  a  low  grade,  and  religion  was  out  of  the  ques- 
tion. Infanticide  and  infidelity  were  common.  Both  men 
and  women  lounged  on  rough-hewn  logs  in  the  shade, 
abandoning  all  work  and  devoting  their  time  to  the  con- 
sumption of  three  barrels  of  New  England  rum  which  had 
just  been  received,  the  first  they  had  had  for  nearly  a  year.* 

After  Millechamp  returned  to  England,  the  task  of  gov- 

*  Ruschenberger:  Voyage  Around  the  World,  1836-37.  Chap, 
xli.     Phila..  1838. 


63]  Colonial  Establishments.  63 

erning  the  little  colony  devolved  upon  Mazarra,  who,  in 
1842,  returned  to  the  Sandwich  Islands  in  an  EngHsh  whaler 
to  encourage  additional  settlers  and  laborers  to  emigrate. 
He  also  obtained  from  Alexander  Simpson,  the  British  con- 
sul, such  recognition  as  he  felt  necessary  to  establish  his 
authority.  Though  there  were  then  only  twenty  persons 
in  the  small  colony,  he  had  found  it  no  easy  matter  to  gov- 
ern. Simpson  drew  up  a  paper  requesting  that  Mazarra 
should  be  considered  the  head  of  the  colony  until  he  should 
be  replaced  by  some  officer  appointed  directly  by  Her 
Majesty. 

The  events  of  the  next  few  years  placed  Savory  at  the 
head  of  the  colony.  Millechamp  returned  to  the  Pacific, 
but  took  up  his  residence  in  Guam.  Mazarra  died,  leav- 
ing a  young  widow,  a  pretty  native  of  Guam.  Savory  mar- 
ried the  widow,  began  to  rear  a  family,  and  became  the 
patriarchal  magistrate.  Cultivating  his  little  farm,  he  sold 
to  whalers  the  sweet  potatoes  which  he  raised  and  the  rum 
which  he  distilled  from  sugar  cane.  He  made  considerable 
money,  which  he  deposited  in  the  ground;  but  one  day  he 
became  too  confidential  and  friendly  with  visitors  from  a 
schooner  carrying  the  American  flag,  who  carried  away  his 
money  and  his  journal,  taking  with  them  also  two  women 
of  his  household,  who  afterwards  declared,  at  Honolulu, 
they  had  no  desire  to  return. 

In  1853,  Perry  visited  the  settlement  while  on  his  expe- 
dition to  Japan.'  He  found  a  population  of  thirty-one,  of 
whom  eight  were  whites,  who  had  chosen  good-natured 
wives  from  the  Sandwich  Islands  emigrants.  The  people 
seemed  happy  and  contented ;  they  cultivated  sweet  potatoes, 
corn,  pumpkins,  onions,  taro,  watermelons,  bananas  and 
pineapples;  they  raised  enough  sugar  and  tobacco  for  their 
own  consumption.  Seeing  the  importance  of  the  islands 
to  commerce,  between  California  and  China,  he  made  ex- 
plorations,  distributed   seeds,  left  live   stock  and  various 

'Japan  Expedition,  vol.  i,  p.  201. 


64        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [64 

implements  of  husbandry,  and  purchased  from  Savory  the 
title  to  a  piece  of  land  suitably  located  for  the  construction 
of  buildings  for  a  naval  depot."  In  a  report  to  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  on  June  25,  he  said  if  the  Department  desired 
he  would  take  possession  in  the  name  of  the  United  States. 
The  inhabitants  practically  disowned  the  sovereignty  of 
England,  hoisting  the  British  flag  only  as  a  signal  on  the 
arrival  of  a  vessel.  They  recognized  that  they  were 
able  to  take  care  of  themselves  and  needed  no  foreign 
control.' 

After  Perry  left,  the  settlers,  following  his  suggestion 
and  advice,  met  in  convention  at  Savory's  house  and  estab- 
lished a  form  of  municipal  government  for  the  colony  of 
Peel  Island,  electing  Savory  chief  magistrate.  The  magis- 
trate, acting  with  the  two  councilmen,  who  were  also 
elected  by  the  convention,  were  to  serve  for  two  years,  and 
were  given  authority  to  make  such  rules  and  regulations 
as  they  should  consider  necessary  for  the  public  good.  Such 
laws  required  the  approval  of  two-thirds  of  the  whole  num- 
ber of  residents.  Two  pilots  for  the  port  were  selected  by 
unanimous  vote  and  given  authority  to  appoint  capable  sub- 
stitutes. Among  other  regulations  was  one  against  the 
discharge  of  crews  by  captains  when  in  the  port.  Another 
prohibited  the  enticing  or  secretion  of  deserters,  placing  the 
fine  at  $50.  All  penalties  were  to  be  pecuniary.  The  mag- 
istrate was  to  be  the  final  court  for  all  claims  and  disputes. 
He  and  the  council  were  given  power  to  direct  the  seizure 
and  sale  of  any  property  of  any  offender,  sufficient  to  liqui- 
date fines  against  such  offender.  All  fines  were  to  consti- 
tute a  public  fund,  kept  by  the  chief  magistrate  and  appro- 
priated as  he  and  the  council  might  deem  proper,  but  a  pub- 
lished statement  was  to  be  made  each  year.  At  the  end  of 
each  year,  all  unexpended  moneys  were  to  be  equally  di- 
vided, imless  otherwise  ordained  bv  the  convention.     The 


'Japan  Expedition,  vol.  i,  p.  211;  vol.  ii,  pp.  127-33. 
'  Japan  Expedition,  vol.  i,  pp.  199-200. 


65]  Colonial  Establishments.  65 

magistrate  and  council  were  authorized,  whenever  they 
should  consider  it  necessary,  to  call  a  convention  of  the 
people  to  amend  or  increase  the  laws. 

In  December,  1853,  at  Hong  Kong,  just  before  leaving 
for  Japan,  Perry  was  surprised  to  learn  from  Sir  George 
Bonham,  the  English  superintendent  of  trade,  that  his  visit 
to  the  Bonins  and  his  purchase  of  a  coal  depot  had  attracted 
the  attention  of  Lord  Clarendon,  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment, who,  acting  on  a  statement  of  Alexander  Simpson, 
who  had  once  been  the  British  representative  in  the  South 
Seas,  gave  instructions  to  ask  some  explanations/  In  re- 
ply, while  expressing  his  doubt  of  the  right  of  Great  Britain 
to  claim  sovereignty.  Perry  stated  that  the  purchase  of  land 
was  of  a  strictly  private  character,  and  without  any  instruc- 
tions from  Washington.  The  question  of  sovereignty  he 
was  willing  to  leave  "  to  be  discussed  hereafter." ' 


'  Japan  Expedition,  vol.  i,  p.  203. 

*  Perry  favored  colonies  in  those  distant  regions. 

While  at  Maderia,  en  route  to  Japan  to  negotiate  for  com- 
mercial relations,  safe  harbors,  and  coaling  stations,  Perry  (on 
Dec.  14,  1852,)  wrote  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  that  as  a  prelimi- 
nary step  the  United  States  should  at  once  secure  ports  of  refuge 
and  supply  on  islands  south  of  Japan,  and  conciliate  the  inhabi- 
tants so  that  our  friendly  purposes  might  be  better  understood  by 
the  Japanese  Government.  He  suggested  that  the  occupation  of 
the  principal  ports  of  the  Loo  Choo  Islands  for  the  accommodation 
of  warships  and  merchant  vessels  would  be  justified  by  the  rules 
of  moral  law  and  necessity,  and  by  the  amelioration  of  the  condi- 
tion of  the  natives  whom  the  Prince  of  Satsuma  ruled  by  fear 
rather  than  by  power  to  coerce  obedience.  Great  Britain  already 
held  the  most  important  points  in  the  East  India  and  Chinese 
seas.  Perry,  therefore,  thought  the  United  States  should  lose  no 
time  in  adopting  active  measures  to  secure  ports  in  the  islands  that 
fortunately  were  still  left.     [Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  34,  33-2,  pp.  12-15.] 

The  President  concurred  in  Perry's  opinion,  and  Secretary  Ever- 
ett (Feb.  15,  1853)  gave  instructions  to  secure  ports  either  in  the 
Japanese  islands  or  elsewhere,  but  to  use  no  force  except  in  the 
last  resort.  [Ibid.,  p.  15.]  On  Jan.  25,  1854,  Perry,  while  at 
Napa  in  Great  Loo  Choo,  wrote  Secretary  Dobbin  of  the  navy 
that,  in  case  of  failure  to  negotiate  with  Japan,  it  was  his  aim  "  to 
take  under  the  surveillance  of  the  American  flag,  upon  the  ground 
of  reclamation  for  insults  and  injuries  committed  upon  American 


66       American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [66 

Desiring  to  consummate  an  arrangement  to  fill  up  the 
remaining  link  of  a  great  mail  route  of  the  world,  he  con- 
sidered that  the  question  of  sovereignty  was  not  so  import- 
ant as  that  of  an  open  door  for  the  hospitable  reception  of 
all  nations.  At  another  time,  speaking  on  the  extension  of 
American  trade  in  the  East,  he  said :  "  What  benefits  the 
commerce  of  the  United  States  and  extends  American  ter- 
ritory cannot  but  result  advantageously  to  other  powers."  " 

Perry's  plan  was  to  secure  the  organization  of  a  stock 
company  of  merchants  and  artisans,  to  send  two  vessels 
laden  with  building  materials  and  supplies  for  whalers  and 
naval  vessels,  and  as  trade  grew  up,  to  send  out  young  mar- 
ried people,  gradually  building  up  a  thrifty  community 
which  would  extend  over  the  entire  group  and  perhaps  send 
missionaries  to  Japan,  Formosa  "  and  other  benighted  coun- 
tnes. 

Contemplating  British  rivalry  in  maritime  enterprise,  he 
had  often  suggested  that  commercial  settlements  in  China 
and  Pacific  waters  would  be  vitally  necessary  to  the  con- 
tinued success  of  American  commerce  in  those  regions,  but 
considered  it  unadvisable  to  erect  for  these  settlements  any 
defences  except  such  as  were  necessary  for  protection 
against  pirates  and  common  marauders."  After  the  success 
of  his  Japan  expedition,  speaking  of  the  tendency  to  seek 

citizens,  this  island  of  Great  Loo  Choo."  The  people  seemed 
friendly,  and  he  intimated  that  they  should  not  be  abandoned  "  as 
found,  defenceless  and  overburdened."  The  President,  however, 
feeling  that  such  a  course  might  prove  embarassing,  was  "  disin- 
clined, without  authority  of  Congress,  to  take  and  retain  posses- 
sion of  an  island  in  that  distant  country,"  unless  demanded  by 
more  potent  reasons.  Secretary  Dobbin  wrote  (May  23,  1854)  in 
reply:  "  If,  in  future,  resistance  should  be  offered  and  threatened, 
it  would  also  be  rather  mortifying  to  surrender  the  island,  if  once 
seized."  He  approved  Perry's  suggestions  as  to  the  establishment 
of  a  coal  depot  at  Port  Lloyd,  however,  and  also  his  correspond- 
ence with  Bonham,  as  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  Bonins.  [Sen. 
Exec.  Doc.  34,  33-2,  p.  112.] 

"Japan  Expedition,  vol.  ii,  p.  180. 

"Japan  Expedition,  vol.  i,  p.  212. 

"'  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  34,  33-2,  Perry  to  Secy,  of  Navy,  Dec.  14,  1852. 


67]  Colonial  Establishments.  67 

further  expansion,  he  said :  "  Perhaps  we  cannot  change  the 
course  of  events,  or  avert  our  ultimate  destiny.  ...  It  be- 
longs to  us  to  act  honorably  and  justly  .  .  .  and  to  encour- 
age changes  in  the  political  condition  of  Japan,  China,  and 
especially  Formosa."'  He  urged  that  in  Formosa,"  whose 
commanding  position  resembled  that  of  Cuba,  there  should 
be  an  American  commercial  settlement  from  which  com- 
munication might  be  established  with  China,  Japan,  Loo 
Choo,  Cochin  China,  Cambodia,  Siam  and  the  Philippines. 
He  quoted  with  approval  the  statement  that  colonies  are 
as  necessary  to  a  commercial  nation  as  ships  and  that  it 
would  be  difficult  for  any  government  to  prevent  the  estab- 
lishment, in  distant  regions,  of  trading  or  religious  settle- 
ments which  would  naturally  grow  into  flourishing  and  self- 
governing  communities. 

The  British  consul  at  Yokohama,  who  visited  Port  Lloyd, 
in  1875,  said  Perry's  code  of  government  for  the  Bonins  was 
never  enforced,  and  soon  forgotten.  In  the  years  following 
1854,  whalers  and  men-of-war  visited  the  island  occasionally, 
but  the  conditions  were  not  favorable  to  rapid  increase  of 
population.  In  1861,  Japan  made  an  eflfort  to  colonize 
Peel  Island  by  sending  100  colonists  from  Yedo,  but  soon 
wearied  of  the  scheme,  and  by  1863  all  her  settlers  had  with- 
drawn, leaving  only  a  stone  stating  that  the  islands  were 
discovered  by  Japan  and  were  still  her  property. 

By  1875  the  community  at  Port  Lloyd  numbered  69 — 
37  male  and  32  female,  20  being  children,  but  only  5  were 
entirely  white.  The  settlers,  with  their  few  wants  supplied 
by  whalers,  still  lived  in  rudely-constructed,  sparsely-fur- 
nished cottages  in  sheltered  nooks,  cultivated  patches  of 


"  In  Feb.  1857,  Parker,  the  United  States  Commissioner  in  China 
suggested  the  policy  of  occupying  Formosa.  In  his  despatch  to 
the  Department  of  State  he  enclosed  a  letter  from  Gideon  Nye, 
Jr.,  who  urged  occupation  in  the  interest  of  humanity  and  com- 
merce, and  offered  to  assist  in  colonizing  the  island,  if  the  United 
States  would  protect  him.  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  22,  35-2,  exhibit  G., 
pp.  1203-04. 


68        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [68 

sugar  cane  and  maize,  raised  pigs,  geese  and  ducks,  and 
caught  turtle.  They  appeared  to  Hve  in  decency  and  order, 
and  to  be  comfortable,  but  they  had  no  thought  of  religion, 
and  with  the  exception  of  one  person,  could  not  read  or 
write.  Life  had  often  been  insecure  among  them,  eleven 
men  having  met  violent  deaths  within  twenty-five  years. 
The  settlers  had  a  repugnance  to  settled  government. 
Though  the  American  flag  was  displayed  from  one  of  the 
huts,  the  American  Government  apparently  had  no  idea 
of  taking  possession.  By  the  opening  of  Japan  to  the  world 
the  Bonins  became  less  important.  They  were  left  to  the 
southward  of  the  steamer  line  routes  between  the  United 
States  and  the  Orient,  Yokohama  being  a  more  convenient 
and  more  desirable  station.  Mr.  Robertson,  the  British 
consul  at  Yokohama,  who  visited  Port  Lloyd  in  1875,  pro- 
posed that  Great  Britain  should  take  the  Bonins  beneath 
her  sheltering  wings,  initiate  some  simple  inexpensive  form 
of  government  there,  and  attempt  to  guide  the  young  set- 
tlement through  its  early  perils."  Japan  then  seemed  un- 
able to  colonize  Yesso,  right  at  her  doors,  but  in  1878  she 
took  undisputed  possession  of  the  whole  Bonin  group. 

The  United  States,  especially  after  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty  with  Japan,  probably  had  no  desire  to  enter  into  dis- 
cussion regarding  questions  of  title  to  an  island  so  far 
distant."  In  1835,  Edmund  Roberts,  who  had  succeeded 
in  negotiating  a  treaty  with  Siam,  was  instructed  to  en- 
deavor studiously  to  inculcate  upon  all  (including  Japan)  the 
idea  that  the  United  States,  though  strong  and  resourceful, 
had  a  history  indicating  no  ambition  for  conquest  and  no 
desire  for  colonial  possessions,  and  a  policy  whose  essential 
part  was  to  avoid  political  connection  with  any  other  gov- 
ernment." 

Wilkes,  during  his  explorations  in   1841,  had  surveyed 


Chambers'  Journal,  July  5,  1879. 

See  p.  52;  also  Senate  Doc.  77,  20-2,  February  16,  1829. 

I  Sp.  M.  131. 


69]  Colonial  EstabUshmaits.  69 

Wake  Island  (19  N.  lat.,  166  E.  long.)  and  asserted  title,  but 
the  United  States  Navy  never  took  possession."  Webster, 
in  June,  1852,  agreed  to  send  a  naval  vessel  to  protect  Amer- 
ican guano  interests  on  the  Lobos  Islands  which  were  not 
occupied  by  any  of  the  South  American  States,  and  had  been 
visited  by  American  fishermen  for  half  a  century,  but  he 
decided  to  yield  to  the  protests  of  Peru,  who  declared  her 
ownership  had  never  been  questioned  before."  Under  an 
act  of  Congress  of  August  18,  1856,  conferring  discretionary 
power  on  the  President  to  assume  the  ownership  of  guano 
islands  discovered  by  United  States  citizens,"  Commander 
Davis,  of  the  St.  Marys,  sailed  from  the  coasts  of  Central 
America  in  1858  and  took  formal  possession  of  Jarvis  and 
Nantucket  islands  in  the  name  of  the  United  States,  and 
deposited  in  the  earth  a  declaration  to  that  eflfect.  Lieu- 
tenant Brooke,  in  the  next  year,  took  possession  of  Bird 
and  Necker  islands,  near  the  Hawaiian  group.^'  In  Oc- 
tober, 1858,  Cakobau,  the  principal  chief  of  Bau,  and  also 
king  of  the  whole  Fiji  group,  in  a  document  offering  the 
sovereignty  to  Queen  Victoria,"  declared  that  his  action  was 

"  The  United  States  took  possession  of  Wake  Island,  in  Janu- 
ary, 1899,  with  a  view  to  using  it  as  a  station  on  a  cable-telegraph 
line  between  Hawaii  and  the  Philippines. 

"  Sen.  Exec.  Rp.  109,  32-1,  Aug.  21,  1852. 

"  Under  this  act  the  United  States,  in  1898,  owned  57  islands  and 
groups  of  islands  in  the  Pacific,  and  13  in  the  Caribbean  sea. 

^  Report  Secy,  of  Navy,  Dec.  2,  1859. 

^  This  deed  of  cession  was  ratified,  and  signed  by  21  chiefs  on 
December  14,  1859,  and  by  others  in  August  and  September.  The 
legislative  assembly  of  New  South  Wales  recommended  the  ac- 
ceptance of  the  proflfered  sovereignty,  and  captains  in  the  British 
navy  recommended  occupation,  but  after  sending  Dr.  B.  Seemann 
to  secure  further  information,  the  British  Government  decided  to 
decline  the  offer.  Seemann  reported  that  the  islands  would  be- 
come a  flourishing  colony.  American  whaleships  which  had  been 
getting  supplies  at  Samoa  or  Tonga  were  now  beginning  to  go  to 
Fiji  on  account  of  the  exorbitant  prices  recently  asked  by  the  na- 
tives of  the  former  islands.  [Berthold  Seemann:  Viti,  Cambridge, 
Eng.,  1862.]  In  1864,  an  attempt  was  made  to  establish  a  regular 
government  based  on  English  models,  but  was  not  a  success. 
Meanwhile  the   rumor  went  that   the   United    States  intended   to 


70        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [70 

for  the  purpose  of  preventing  severe  measures  threatened 
by  the  United  States  against  the  king  and  the  sovereignty 
and  the  territory  of  the  islands  in  case  of  the  non-payment  of 
a  debt  of  $45,000"^  which,  under  the  existing  state  of  affairs 
in  the  islands,'"  he  would  not  be  able  to  collect  within  the 
brief  time  stated  in  the  contract. 

In  1867,  by  the  acquisition  of  Alaska,  the  United  States 
became  the  owner  of  the  Aleutian  Islands,  extending  almost 
to  the  Asiatic  coasts.  On  August  28  of  the  same  year. 
Captain  Reynolds,  by  order  of  the  United  States  Navy, 
occupied  the  Midway  Islands  [28°  12'  north  lat.,  177°  22' 
west  long.]  which  had  been  discovered  by  Captain  N.  C. 
Brooks  on  July  5,  1859,  and  first  occupied  by  the  Pacific 
Mail  Steamship  Company  in  July,  1867.'*  The  Senate  Com- 
mittee, in  January,  1869,  for  both  political  and  commercial 
reasons,  favored  making  a  naval  station  there,  stating  that 
the  United  States  should  have  at  least  one  harbor  of  refuge 
on  the  route  to  China,  and  should  prevent  the  possibility 
of  European  occupation  of  any  island  which,  under  their 
control,  might  become  another  Nassau,  The  Secretary 
of  the  Navy,  in  his  report  of  the  previous  December,  had 


assume  the  protectorate.  In  1869,  Lord  Granville  considered  that 
there  would  be  "  more  disadvantage  in  Great  Britain  taking  the 
responsibility  of  the  government  of  Fiji  than  in  the  risk  of  the 
United  States  assuming  the  Protectorate."  [Pari.  Papers,  1875.] 
But  the  Australian  colonies  at  the  Conference  of  1870  called  for 
British  annexation,  and  Lord  Kimberly  decided  to  send  a  com- 
mission to  report.  The  report  of  Commander  Goodenough  and 
Mr.  Layard  was  strongly  in  favor  of  annexation.  The  cession  was 
accepted  in  October,  1874,  and  the  islands  were  organized  as  a 
crown  colony  with  Sir  Arthur  Gordon  as  Governor. 

[Egerton:     History  of  English  Colonial  Policy,  p.  396.] 

"  Quarterly  Review,  July,  1859,  p.  203. 

"  The  Fijis,  which  had  become  the  resort  of  the  European 
trader,  "  threatened  to  become  an  anarchic  Hell."  [Egerton:  His- 
tory of  English  Colonial  Policy,  p.  396.] 

The  natives,  however,  were  not  such  ferocious  cannibals  as  they 
had  formerly  been.     [Quarterly  Review,  July,  1859,  P-  203'.] 

"  Senate  Rp.  194,  40-3,  Jan.  28,  1869.  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  79,  40-2. 
Report  of  Secy,  of  the  Navy,  1870,  p.  8,  and  1871,  pp.  6,  7  and  8. 


71]  Colonial  Establishments.  71 

said  the  rapid  increase  of  Pacific  commerce  and  of  Ameri- 
can interests  springing  up  in  connection  with  our  recent 
extensive  acquisitions,  our  rising  States  on  the  Pacific,  ever- 
increasing  intimacy  with  the  islands  of  the  ocean,  made  the 
United  States  interested  beyond  any  other  power  in  giving 
security  to  mariners  in  the  Pacific.  On  March  i,  1869,  the 
sum  of  $50,000  was  appropriated  for  opening  a  harbor  at 
Midway;  but,  after  spending  that  amount,  it  was  seen  that 
$400,000  would  be  required,  and  the  plan  was  abandoned. 
The  United  States,  however,  still  owns  the  island. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
UNLOCKING  THE  GATES  OF  THE  ORIENT. 

Until  a  comparatively  recent  date,  the  Orient  remained  a 
sealed  mystery  to  the  nations  of  Western  civilization  and 
progress.'  It  was  only  by  the  persistent  and  increasingly 
determined  eflforts  of  foreigners  that  Japan  was  finally  in- 
duced to  open  her  doors  and  windows.  China,  assuming 
an  arrogant  supremacy,  though  she  had  permitted  a  limited 
trade,  endeavored  to  erect  barriers  of  exclusiveness,  but 
was  finally  forced  to  be  more  liberal  in  commercial  relations, 
and  slowly  extended  her  intercourse  with  the  younger  and 
more  progressive  nations  of  the  West. 

Japan. — The  Japanese  policy  from  1637 ""  to  1854  was  one 
of  exclusion  and  inclusion — to  keep  the  world  out  and  the 
Japanese  at  home — and  the  Dutch  factory  at  Deshema  of 
Nagasaki  was  the  only  window  or  loophole  of  observation 
during  that  time.  All  attempts  by  foreigners  to  secure 
trading  advantages  were  successfully  resisted.  The  strict 
isolation  of  Japan,  closing  her  eyes  to  keep  out  the  light  of 
the  universe,  and  refusing  to  open  her  arms  to  the  West, 

*  Humboldt  once  said  that  the  narrow  neck  of  land  forming  the 
isthmus  of  Panama  had  been  the  "  bulwark  of  the  independence  of 
China  and  Japan." 

'  Between  1542  and  1600  Christian  missionaries  exerted  consider- 
able influence  in  Japan.  By  1581  there  were  200  churches  and 
150,000  converts.  A  few  years  later  the  rivalry  of  the  opposing- 
orders,  the  Spanish  Jesuits  and  the  Portuguese  Franciscans,  cre- 
ated animosities,  and  resulted  in  persecution  by  the  Japanese.  At 
the  battle  of  Sekigahara,  in  1600,  in  which  10,000  lives  were  lost, 
the  Christian  army  (of  Southern  Japan)  was  defeated.  A  reaction- 
ary policy  of  the  conservatives  followed,  and  an  edict  of  1606  pro- 
hibited Christianity.  The  last  Christian  uprising  was  defeated  in 
1636. 


73]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — Japan.  73 

provoked  American  enterprise  which  elsewhere  had  been 
mastering  opposition.  As  early  as  1815  Commodore 
Porter  proposed  an  expedition  to  open  trade,  and  Monroe 
intended  to  send  him,  but  the  plans  were  never  matured." 

In  1832  (as  previously  stated),  just  after  the  plunder  of  the 
American  ship  Friendship  at  Quallah  Battoo,  Captain  Ed- 
mund Roberts,*  who  had  been  well  acquainted  with  the 
commerce  of  the  Far  East,  was  sent  as  United  States  con- 
fidential agent  to  negotiate  for  treaties."  He  was  instructed 
to  proceed  to  Japan  to  open  trade,  in  case  he  found  pros- 
pects favorable,  but  he  was  directed  not  to  enter  the  country 
until  he  should  receive  assurance  that  nothing  unbecoming 
the  dignity  of  the  United  States  would  be  required.  Though 
he  succedeed  in  securing  a  treaty  with  Siam "  and  the  Sultan 


'  De  Bow's,  Dec,  1852.  In  1797,  the  Elisa  of  New  York,  carry- 
ing the  American  flag  with  seventeen  stars,  sailed  to  Nagasaki, 
under  the  command  of  Capt.  Steward,  but  did  not  open  trade. 
Capt.  John  Derby,  of  Salem,  Mass.,  soon  made  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  open  trade.  In  1803,  Capt.  Steward  returned  to  Na- 
gasaki, but  found  that  the  Japanese  desired  no  American  products 
except  ginseng.  The  discovery  of  valuable  whale  fisheries  near 
the  Kurile  Islands,  and  southward,  increased  the  importance  of 
friendly  relations  with  Japan.  Soon  there  began  a  long  story  of 
shipwrecked  seamen  who  were  imprisoned  by  the  Japanese.  J.  Q. 
Adams  denied  the  right  of  Japan  to  remain  a  hermit  nation,  but 
his  was  "  the  voice  of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness." 

•  See  pp.  48  and  68. 

•  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  34,  33-2,  Jan.  31,  1855.  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  59, 
32-1,  vol.  ix,  Apr.  8,  1852. 

•  In  Siam,  with  her  old  and  venerable  code  of  crude  and  incom- 
plete laws,  where  the  creditor  still  had  absolute  power  over  the 
life  and  property  of  the  debtor,  American  commerce  had  been 
subject  to  any  pecuniary  extortions  or  other  impositions  which 
avarice  might  inflict.  At  Bankok,  on  March  30,  1833,  Roberts, 
secured  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  nine  feet  and  seven 
inches  long,  removing  the  imposition  on  imports,  releasing  debt- 
ors from  pains  and  penalties  in  case  they  delivered  all  their  prop- 
erty, fixing  port  charges,  allowing  American  citizens  to  trade  di- 
rectly with  private  individuals  instead  of  through  the  king  who 
had  hitherto  fixed  prices  and  delayed  trade,  and  obviating  the 
necessity  of  enormous  presents  to  officials.  [Edmund  Roberts: 
Embassy  to  the  Eastern  Courts  of  Cochin  China,  Siam  and  Muscat 
in  the  Sloop  Peacock,   1832-34.     N.   Y.,   1837.]     A  new  treaty  was 


74        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [74 

of  Muscat,  and  began  negotiations  with  Cochin  China,  he 
did  not  proceed  to  Borneo  '  nor  to  Japan, 

In  1837  C.  W.  King,  a  merchant,  went  to  Japan  in  the 
unarmed  Morrison  to  return  some  shipwrecked  Japanese, 
who  had  been  saved  from  a  junk  which  had  gone  ashore 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river  in  1831,  but  his  ves- 
sel being  fired  upon  at  Yedo,  he  returned  without  succeed- 
ing in  his  mission."  The  Japanese  probably  understood 
that  his  principal  motive  was  to  open  commercial  inter- 
course. In  1845  t^6  Manhattan,  of  Sag  Harbor,  attempting 
to  return  several  castaways,  met  with  a  similar  reception. 
In  the  same  year  Zadoc  Pratt,  of  New  York,  laid  before  the 
House  a  report  advising  hostility  and  proposing  to  send  an 
embassy  to  Japan  and  Corea. 

The  successful  negotiation  of  a  treaty  with  China  in  1844 
increased  the  eflforts  to  secure  communication  with  Japan. 
In   1846  Commodore  Biddle,  by  instructions  of  May  22, 

negotiated  by  Mr.  Harris  in  May,  1856,  and  was  ratified  by  the 
United  States  the  next  year.  It  was  modified  in  1867.  Relations 
with  Siam  have  remained  undisturbed,  the  United  States  enjoying 
the  rights  and  immunities  extended  to  the  most  favored  nation. 
In  1884  an  agreement  regulating  the  liquor  traffic  in  Siam  was 
concluded. 

Roberts  had  also  endeavored  to  secure  a  treaty  with  Cochin 
China,  but  after  engaging  in  a  protracted  correspondence  and 
enduring  much  Eastern  prevarication  he  failed  on  account  of  dis- 
agreement as  to  conventionalities  and  excessive  formalities.  But 
he  made  a  treaty  with  the  Sultan  of  Muscat,  who  wrote  Andrew 
Jackson  an  extravagantly  figurative  and  loving  letter.  After  the 
Siam  treaty  had  been  ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate  in  June, 
1834,  Roberts  was  sent  to  exchange  ratifications,  and  renewed 
negotiations  with  Cochin  China,  whose  etiquette  as  to  titles  he 
met  by  a  ruse  diplomatique,  but  whose  consent  to  a  treaty  he  was 
unable  to  obtain.  [W.  S.  Ruschenberger:  A  Voyage  Around  the 
World,  including  an  Embassy  to  Muscat  and  Siam,  1836-37. 
Phila.,  1838.]     He  died  at  Macao,  June  12,  1836. 

^  On  June  23,  1850,  at  Bruni,  Joseph  Balestier  concluded  with  the 
Sultan  of  Borneo  a  convention  of  amity,  commerce  and  navigation, 
securing  liberty  of  residence  and  trade,  protection  of  United  States 
citizens  and  shipwrecked  seamen,  the  privilege  of  extraditionality, 
and  the  use  of  ports  for  war  vessels. 

*  Perry:     U.  S.  Japan  Expedition,  vol.  i,  pp.  47-49. 


75]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — Japan.  75 

1845,  sailed  to  Yedo  bay  and  remained  ten  days,  but  failed 
in  his  peaceful  attempt  to  gain  access  to  the  country.  He 
was  informed  that,  by  law,  no  trade  could  be  allowed  with 
any  foreign  nation  except  Holland,  and  that  every  nation 
had  a  right  to  manage  its  own  affairs  in  its  own  way.  He 
received  an  anonymous,  undated  communication  asking 
him  to  depart  as  soon  as  possible  and  to  consult  his  own 
safety  by  not  appearing  again  upon  the  coast.  While  on 
board  a  Japanese  junk  to  receive  the  official  reply,  he  also 
received  an  unpleasant  push  from  a  common  Japanese  sol- 
dier. Captain  Glynn  afterwards  (1851)  said  that  Biddle  was 
too  lenient. 

A.  H.  Everett,  of  the  United  States  legation  at  Macao, 
M  ho  had  received  full  power  to  negotiate  with  the  Japanese 
Government,  but  had  transferred  it  to  Biddle,  and  who  still 
had  power  to  renew  the  attempt  at  a  treaty  in  case  any  new 
combination  of  circumstances  should  increase  the  prospect 
of  success,  wrote  Secretary  Buchanan  on  January  5,  1847, 
that  perhaps  Biddle's  attempt  to  open  negotiations  had  not 
been  made  with  sufficient  discretion,  and  had  "  placed  the 
subject  in  a  rather  less  favorable  position  than  it  stood 
before." 

Americans,  following  the  whale  to  the  far  oflf  seas,  were 
sometimes  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  the  Kurile  Islands,  and 
arrested  and  cast  into  Japanese  prisons.  Even  while  Biddle 
was  at  Yedo  bay,  though  the  Japanese  did  not  mention  it, 
it  seems  that  American  citizens  (from  the  Lazvrence,  which 
had  been  wrecked  May  27,  1846)  were  already  in  Japanese 
prisons.  After  repeated  "  trials  "  they  were  released  through 
the  kindness  of  the  Dutch  director  at  Nagasaki.  Other 
sailors  from  American  vessels,  having  been  thrown  upon 
the  coasts  of  Japan  in  1848,  were  imprisoned  as  spies,'  and 
some  were  punished  for  attempting  to  escape,  or  for  other 
insubordination. 


*  On  April  14,  1847,  the  Netherlands'  cJtarge  d'affaires  notified 
Buchanan  that  Japan,  in  1843  had  given  warning  against  the  ex- 
ploration of  Japanese  coasts. 


76       American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [76 


y 


With  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon  question  and  the  ac- 
quisition of  CaHfornia,  and  a  corresponding  expansion  of 
opportunity  and  duty,  the  United  States  became  more  vigi- 
lant in  guarding  American  interests  in  the  Pacific,  and  more 
determined  to  break  down  Oriental  exclusiveness.  On 
January  31,  1849,  Commander  Geisinger,  of  the  United 
States  East  India  squadron,  hearing  in  Chinese  waters  that 
sixteen  Americans  were  imprisoned,  sent  Commander  Glynn 
with  the  United  States  ship  Preble '"  to  demand  their  re- 
lease." The  Japanese  officials  first  threatened  oflfensive 
operations,  then  assumed  haughty  indifference,  and  finally 
tried  evasive  diplomacy,  but  they  acceded  to  Glynn's  per- 
emptory demand  for  the  immediate  delivery  of  the 
prisoners." 

Glynn,  on  returning  to  New  York,  was  enthusiastic  in 
his  desire  to  secure  some  arrangement  which  would  divert 
the  commerce  of  half  the  human  family  from  foreign  chan- 
nels into  the  bosom  of  the  United  States.^  On  February 
24,  185 1,  he  wrote  Rowland  and  Aspinwall  that  he  had 
found  a  strong  interest  on  both  sides  of  the  Pacific  in  favor 
of  establishing  a  line  of  steamers  between  Asia  and  America; 
and  he  suggested  that  Shanghai  should  be  the  terminus, 
and  that  an  effort  should  be  made  to  secure  coal  from 
Formosa  and  Japan."  He  proposed  that  the  United  States 
desiring  fuel  and  depots  in  Japan,  and  having  good  cause 
for  quarrel,  should  go  on  with  the  recent  congressional  in- 
quiry into  the  Japanese  imprisonment  of  Americans,  ask 
redress,  and  compel  them  to  adjust  the  controversy  by 


"  The  Preble  had  sailed  from  New  York  in  September,  1846, 
during  the  Mexican  war.  She  was  at  Honolulu  during  the  trouble 
of  the  French  with  the  Hawaiian  Government  in  November.  1849. 
Later,  at  San  Francisco,  many  of  her  crew  were  discharged,  and 
others  ran  for  the  "  gold  diggings."  She  arrived  at  New  York 
January  2,  1851.  [N.  Y.  Herald,  Jan.  3,  1851.  In  Sen.  Exec.  Doc. 
59,  32-1,  Apr.  8,  1852.] 

"  H.  Exec.  Doc.  84,  31-1,  vol.  x,  Aug.  15,  1850. 

"Ferry:  U.  S.  Japan  Expedition,  vol.  i. 

"  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  59,  32-1,  vol.  9,  p.  59. 


77]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — Japan.  '^1 

granting  depot  privileges  in  some  Japanese  port.  Reflect- 
ing on  the  possible  necessity  of  using  force,  he  said:  "We 
could  convert  their  selfish  government  into  a  liberal  republic 
in  a  short  time;  such  an  unnatural  system  would,  at  the 
present  day,  fall  to  pieces  upon  the  slightest  concussion. 
But  it  is  better  to  go  to  work  peaceably  with  them  if  we 
can.  ...  If  I  read  the  signs  aright  this  is  the  time  for^ 
action." 

On  June  lo,  1851,  Glynn,  urging  that  intercourse  with 
Japan  was  demanded  by  the  interests  of  civilization,  and 
should  be  secured,  by  peaceable  means  if  possible,  or  by 
force  if  necessary,  advised  the  President  to  select  some 
naval  officers  of  tact,'*  able  to  conduct  hostile  operations  if 
necessary,  to  bear  to  the  Japanese  Government  a  document 
that  would  be  a  future  justification  before  the  world,  dis- 
claiming any  desire  to  interfere  with  internal  affairs,  and 
making  no  complaints  for  past  conduct.  He  suggested 
that  the  Dutch  should  be  conciliated,  and  that  England, 
who  was  alarmed  at  our  strides  in  the  East,  should  be  rec- 
onciled by  the  assurance  that  we  were  asking  Japan  for 
no  exclusive  privileges. 

President  Fillmore  had  already  decided,  in  the  interests 
of  commerce  and  humanity,  to  send  an  envoy  to  make 
another  appeal  to  Japan  -for  friendly  intercourse,  and  to 
endeavor  to  secure  coaling  facilities  for  the  line  of  steamers 
projected  by  American  citizens.  On  May  10,  1851,  he 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  emperor,  informing  him  that  the 
United  States  had  expanded  to  the  Pacific;  that  in  order  to 
form  the  last  link  in  the  chain  of  navigation,  American  ships 
must  pass  near  Japanese  shores;  and  that  we  desired  trade, 
and  needed  the  coai  which  Providence  had  deposited  in 
Japan  for  the  human  family. 

Commodore  Aulick,  in  command  of  the  East  Indian  naval 


'*  Glynn  said  Biddle's  visit  of  1846,  was  unfavorable  to  the  United 
States — the  Japanese  and  Loo  Choo  Islanders  having  given  out 
exaggerated  reports  of  his  chastisement. 


78       American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [78 

forces,  was  instructed  by  Webster,  on  June  lo,  185 1,  as  a 
special  (non-missionary)  envoy  to  make  an  effort  to  secure 
from  the  Japanese  the  assurance  of  supplies  of  coal  at  fair 
prices,  either  in  Japanese  ports  or  on  some  near  island  easy 
of  access,  the  right  of  access  for  American  trading  vessels, 
and  the  promise  of  protection  of  shipwrecked  sailors  and 
property.  In  1852,  his  powers  were  transferred  to  Commo- 
dore Perry. 

On  November  13,  1852,  Commodore  M.  C.  Perry/'  in- 
vested with  both  naval  and  diplomatic  power,  was  instructed 
to  go  to  Japan  with  an  imposing  fleet  (as  a  manifestation 
of  power)  to  state  that  we  sought  no  interference  with 
religion  and  we  were  connected  with  no  European  govern- 
ment, and  to  use  all  amicable  means  to  secure  a  treaty  of 
friendship  and  commerce,  but  to  resort  to  no  force  unless 
in  self-defence  in  protecting  his  vessels  or  crews,  or  to  resent 
acts  of  personal  violence  to  himself  or  officers.  He  was 
directed  to  show  that  our  forbearance  had  not  resulted 
from  timidity;  and,  in  case  argument  failed  to  secure  a 
treaty,  he  was  to  change  his  tone  and  inform  Japan  that 
American  citizens,  driven  to  her  coasts  by  wind  and  weather, 
must  be  treated  with  humanity.  He  was  to  use  caution 
and  vigilance,  and  all  journals  and  private  notes  of  persons 
in  the  expedition  were  considered  to  be  United  States  prop- 
erty until  the  Navy  Department  should  give  permission  to 
publish  them." 

The  letter  which  he  carried  from  President  Fillmore  to 
the  Japanese  emperor,  urged  the  necessity  of  new  laws, 
from  time  to  time,  to  meet  such  new  conditions  of  the  world 
as  those  resulting  from  American  expansion  to  the  Pacific, 

"M.  C.  Perry  (1794- 1858)  had  served  as  a  boy  in  the  War  of 
1812,  and  against  the  pirates  in  the  West  Indies,  and  in  the  cap- 
ture of  Vera  Cruz  (1847)  and  belonged  to  the  same  combative  stock 
as  O.  H.  Perry,  the  author  of  that  laconic  dispatch:  "We  have 
met  the  enemy  and  they  are  ours."  His  idea  was  to  occupy  one 
of  the  Loo  Choo  Islands  as  a  stronghold  from  which  to  terrorize 
Japan,  but  Fillmore  counselled  peace. 

"Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  34,  33-2,  Jan.  31,  1855. 


79]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — Japan.  79 

the  sudden  growth  of  CaHfornia,  whose  trade  with  the  East 
was  rapidly  increasing,  and  the  development  of  steam  navi- 
gation which  required  coal  depots.  "  There  was  a  time," 
said  the  President,  "  when  the  ancient  laws  of  your  Imperial 
Majesty's  government  were  first  made."  It  was  suggested 
that  the  experiment  of  trade  might  at  least  be  tried  for  five 
years. 

Several  persons,  including  von  Siebold,  a  German,  who 
had  been  banished  from  Japan,  and  was  supposed  to  be  em- 
ployed as  a  Russian  spy,  made  application  to  join  the  ex- 
pedition in  the  interests  of  science,  but  their  applications 
were  refused  in  the  interests  of  order. 

On  November  24,  with  models  of  American  inventions 
and  other  articles  for  presents.  Perry  sailed  from  Norfolk 
via  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  on  May  4,  1853,  he  reached 
Shanghai. 

He  resolved  to  act  with  firmness  and  decision,  and  to 
refuse  to  meet  any  but  an  officer  of  the  highest  rank. 

At  Napa,  of  the  Loo  Choo  Islands,  where  he  stopped  to 
get  provisions  and  to  make  explorations,  he  declined  to 
receive  two  dignitaries  who  came  alongside  his  vessel  to 
present  their  enormous  red  cards.  By  the  advice  of  the 
English  missionary,  he  asked  an  immediate  conference  with 
the  chief  authority  of  the  islands.  On  May  28,  the  regent, 
with  a  score  of  attendants,  actively  fluttering  their  fans  to 
reduce  their  temperature,  were  received  on  board  the  Sus- 
quehanna with  great  ceremony  and  granted  the  requests  to 
sell  provisions,  permit  surveys,  and  allow  the  officers  a 
house  on  shore.  When  the  officers  visited  the  shore,  most 
of  the  merchants  closed  their  shops,  and  the  gentry  turned 
upon  their  heels  and  disappeared.  For  the  provisions  which 
the  natives  carried  to  the  ship  the  officials  received  the 
profits.  Some  of  Perry's  men,  accompanied  by  Loo  Choo 
spies,  whom  they  walked  almost  out  of  breath,  explored 
nearly  one-half  the  island  in  six  days,  but  they  had  no  op- 
portunity to  converse  with  the  people  or  to  see  their  in- 
terior life. 


80       American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [80 

Perry  resolved  to  pay  a  return  visit  to  the  regent  in  the 
palace  of  Sheudi.  The  regent  sent  a  long  diplomatic  roll, 
stating  that  the  "  Queen  Dowager  "  had  been  ill  since  the 
visit  of  the  British  admiral,  who  invaded  the  sacred  palace. 
Perry,  expressing  deep  sorrow,  offered  to  send  one  of  his 
surgeons  to  her.  Seated  in  a  sedan  chair,  carried  by  four 
"  coolies,"  and  accompanied  by  a  gay  procession  of  200 
persons,  he  went  to  the  palace  of  the  capital.  He  was  met 
with  profound  salutations  by  a  throng  of  officials  with 
flowing  robes,  fans  and  umbrellas,  and  was  ushered  into  the 
"  elevated  enclosure  [hall]  of  fragrant  festivities  "  where  the 
Americans  received  weak  tea,  "  dabs  of  gingerbread,"  and 
tobacco.  Then  he  accompanied  the  regent  into  his  own 
private  residence  where,  with  chopsticks,  they  partook  of  a 
twelve-course  Loo  Choo  dinner,  and  drank  to  the  health  of 
the  Queen  Dowager  and  son  and  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
people. 

After  a  brief  visit  to  the  Bonin  Islands,  where  he  took 
possession  of  the  Bailey  or  Coffin  group  in  the  name  of  the 
United  States,  and  purchased  land  for  a  coal  depot  at  Port 
Lloyd,  Perr>'  returned  to  Loo  Choo  on  June  23  and  was 
surprised  to  find  that  the  regent,  though  still  in  full  pos- 
session of  his  faculties,  had  been  deposed  and  replaced  by 
a  younger  man.  After  astonishing  the  people  by  exhibi- 
tions of  the  Daguerrotype,  telegraph,  submarine  armor, 
etc.,  he  sailed  away  (July  2),  feeling  that  they  would  be  glad 
to  see  him  return,  and  that  it  was  his  duty  to  protect  them 
as  far  as  possible  against  the  "  vindictiveness  of  their  cruel 
rulers,"  who  favored  exclusiveness. 

Sailing  to  Japan,  Perry  entered  the  bay  below  Yedo  on 
July  8,  where  his  presence,  and  his  refusal  to  heed  the 
scrolls  of  warning  which  minor  officials  held  out  before 
him,  created  considerable  excitement.  He  refused  to  go 
to  Nagasaki,  insisted  upon  talking  with  none  but  the  highest 
dignitary,  and  his  persistence  finally  induced  the  Governor 
of  Urago  to  apply  to  the  shogun,  who,  being  embarrassed 
both  from  without  and  within,  arranged  for  an  official  con- 


81]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — Japan.  81 

ference  on  July  14,  at  which  two  venerable  princes  received 
President  Fillmore's  letter  and  presents.  Notwithstanding 
Japanese  intimations  that  it  was  now  time  to  go,  he  resolved 
to  go  farther  up  the  bay.  It  seemed  that  the  nearer  he  ap- 
proached the  imperial  city  the  more  polite  and  friendly  the 
officials  became.  When  he  informed  Yezaimon  and  Tats- 
noski  of  his  intention  to  leave  on  July  17,  the  latter  ex- 
pressed regret,  endeavored  to  drown  their  grief  in  fresh  sup- 
plies of  wine,  grew  very  affectionate,  and  whispered  that  all 
would  be  well  with  the  President's  letter. 

Sailing  to  Hong  Kong,  Perry  refitted  his  vessels,  giving 
the  Japanese  time  to  come  to  a  decision.  His  return  was 
hastened  by  the  suspicious  movements  of  French  and  Rus- 
sian vessels  in  Eastern  seas.  He  feared  that  there  might 
be  an  attempt  to  forestall  the  American  negotiations,  or  to 
obtain  a  foothold  in  Japan  by  lending  aid  to  the  latter  in 
case  of  collision  with  the  Americans.  On  February  13, 
passing  the  Japanese  boats,  he  confidently  advanced  up 
Yedo  bay  to  the  "  American  anchorage,"  where  he  proposed 
to  meet  the  Japanese  officials.  After  ten  days'  "  negotia- 
tion "  he  moved  near  enough  to  Yedo  to  hear  the  striking 
of  the  night  watches,  and  obtained  the  promise  of  a  confer- 
ence at  Yokohama.  In  a  specially  prepared  "  Treaty 
House,"  on  March  8,  1854,  he  met  five  Japanese  officials 
who,  with  imposing  ceremonies,  submitted  a  long  roll  con- 
taining a  reply  to  the  President's  letter.  The  shogun  had 
sent  copies  of  the  letter  to  most  of  the  daimios  and  had 
received  from  many  of  them  answers  adverse  to  the  opening 
of  the  country,  but,  after  prolonged  conferences  he  con- 
sented to  a  favorable  treaty  which  was  completed  on  March 
31,  and  conceded  the  opening  of  Shimoda  and  Hakodate  to 
American  vessels.  His  power  was  already  tottering,  and 
Japan  would  have  been  revolutionized  from  within  if  she 
had  not  been  invaded  from  without. 

Perry's  treaty  far  exceeded  expectations,  and  other  powers 
were  not  slow  in  securing  the  advantages  which  he  had 
gained.  A  Russian  admiral  had  stopped  at  Nagasaki  in  the 
6 


82       American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [82 

latter  part  of  1853  and  demanded  a  neighborly  attitude,  the 
opening  of  ports,  and  a  settlement  of  the  boundaries  of 
Sagalien.  On  November  12  he  had  made  a  proposition  to 
join  forces  and  cooperate  with  the  Americans,  but  Perry 
civilly  declined  to  take  any  step  which  might  be  interpreted 
as  *'  inconsistent  with  our  policy  of  abstaining  from  all  alli- 
I  ance  with  foreign  powers."  "  Perhaps  a  Japanese  distrust 
of  the  purposes  of  Russia  had  some  influence  in  causing 
the  success  of  the  American  negotiations.  The  Dutch,  who 
in  1852,  had  advised  Japan  to  change  its  policy  of  exclu- 
sion in  favor  of  all  peaceful  nations,  claimed  that  they  had 
aided  in  securing  Perry's  success,  but  Perry  had  never  in- 
voked their  aid  and  was  not  willing  to  admit  their  claim.   V<?^ 

Having  made  a  good  beginning,  the  United  States,  in  the 
interests  of  trade  and  international  relations,  and,  with  a 
spirit  of  tolerance,  liberality  and  justice  toward  Japan, 
sought  new  concessions.  In  1857  Townsend  Harris,  who 
had  been  residing  at  Shimoda  as  United  States  consul-gen- 
eral, negotiated  a  treaty  enlarging  the  privileges  granted  in 
1854  and  securing  the  opening  of  the  port  of  Nagasaki  and 
the  right  of  permanent  residence  for  Americans  at  the  ports 
of  Shimoda  and  Hakodate.  At  Yedo,  in  1858,  without  any  , 
show  of  force  or  compulsion,  he  won  a  diplomatic  triumph 
which  revolutionized  the  relations  of  Japan  with  the  world. 
By  firm,  honest  diplomacy  he  concluded  with  the  shogun's 
ministers  a  treaty  providing  for  unrestricted  commercial 
relations,  diplomatic  representation  at  Yedo,  rights  of  resi- 
dence, trade  at  certain  ports,  regulation  of  duties,  religious 
freedom  and  extra-territoriality." 

Other  powers  soon  concluded  similar  treaties.     It  was    ^ 
agreed  that  the  President,  at  the  request  of  Japan,  would  act 
as  mediator  between  the  latter  and  European  powers  with 
whom  she  might  have  questions  of  dispute. 

Unfortunately,  under  the  new  commercial  policy,  prices 

"Perry:    U.  S.  Japan  Expedition,  vol.  i,  p.  61. 
"  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  25,  36-1. 


83]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — Japan.  83 

in  Japan  rose  from  joo  per  cent  to  300  per  cent.  Soon  after 
the  beginning  of  the  American  war,  cotton  rose  to  over  30 
cents  per  pound.  The  samaurai,  or  military  class,  who  suf- 
fered most,  encouraged  the  idea  that  hatred  of  foreigners 
was  loyalty  to  Japan.  In  1862  the  mikado  ordered  the 
"  barbarians  "  to  be  expelled,  and  summoned  the  shogun 
to  Kioto  to  give  an  account  of  his  stewardship.  The 
shogun,  who  saw  his  power  declining,  and  the  daimios  de- 
serting him  to  flock  to  Kioto,  was  induced  through  pressure 
to  proclaim  to  foreign  nations  that  the  ports  of  Japan  were 
to  be  closed  against  foreign  intercourse.  The  foreigners 
now  learned  that  the  shogun  was  riot  the  real  emperor,  but 
they  were  firm  in  the  purpose  to  let  slip  no  advantage 
already  gained. 

In  Japan,  as  in  China,  Secretary  Seward,  who  desired  to 
substitute  fair  diplomacy  for  force,  insisted  upon  the  policy 
of  cooperation  of  the  powers,  based  on  community  of  inter- 
ests. He  was  opposed  to  intervention  in  internal  affairs, 
but  when  the  daimio  of  Nagato,  opposing  the  shogun's 
treaties,  closed  the  strait  of  Shimonoseki  and  fired  on  an 
American  merchant  steamer,  the  naval  forces  of  the  United 
States,  Great  Britain,  France  and  the  Netherlands,  with  the 
approval  of  the  shogun's  government,  and  in  order  to  en- 
force treaty  rights,  opened  the  strait  by  force,  and  com- 
pelled the  surrender  of  the  hostile  daimio."  He  favored  a 
policy  of  neutrality  with  reference  to  internal  struggles,  but 
desired  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  a  strong  cen- 
tral government  by  which  treaties  might  be  enforced,  and 
native  autonomy  preserved. 

The  bombardment  by  the  powers,  together  with  the 
report  of  a  Japanese  embassy  which  returned  from  Europe 
in  1864,  had  a  profound  effect  on  the  Japanese  mind,  and 
the  emperor,  with  whom  the  powers  began  to  direct  nego- 


'*  Out  of  a  total  indemnity  fund  of  $3,000,000  to  the  combined 
powers,  the  United  States  received  $785,000  which  was  afterwards 
returned  (1883). 


84       American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [84 

tiations  from  Hiago  below  Kioto  in  1865,  yielded  to  rati- 
fication of  treaties  in  spite  of  popular  prejudice.  The 
daimios  who  had  at  first  opposed  the  shogun's  policy,  now 
acquiesced  in  the  new  policy  of  the  mikado,  who  was  soon 
restored  to  his  ancient  power,  and  encouraged  the  adoption 
of  Western  civilization. 

In  1866,  England,  France,  Holland  and  the  United  States 
agreed  to  a  convention  practically  depriving  Japan  of  the 
right  to  regulate  its  tariff  beyond  five  per  cent  on  imports 
and  exports."  Though  in  1872  Japan  failed  in  her  nego- 
tiations for  a  revision  of  treaties,  the  United  States,  since 
the  growth  of  the  imperial  authority  in  Japan,"  has  been 
willing  to  release  the  latter  from  the  treaty  limitations  upon 
its  judicial  and  fiscal  independence." 

China. — In  1784  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  floating  from  the 
Empress  of  China,  an  American  trading  vessel,  first  appeared 
in  the  Orient  at  Canton,  the  only  Chinese  port  at  which 
foreigners  were  permitted  to  trade.  In  1786,  President 
Washington,  in  the  interests  of  a  rapidly  growing  trade,  ap- 
pointed Samuel  Shaw  as  consul  at  that  port.  It  was  over 
a  half-century  later  that  China  first  consented  to  make 
treaties  regulating  and  extending  commercial  intercourse, 
and  providing  for  the  protection  of  the  lives  and  property 
of  American  citizens  on  Chinese  territory.  From  1786  to 
1844  the  American  consuls  at  Canton  were  merely  mer- 
chants. During  that  time,  however,  our  trade  with  China 
suffered  only  one  temporary  interruption — in  1821,  when 
Terranora,  a  sailor  on  board  of  the  American  ship  Emily, 
was  judicially  murdered  by  the  Chinese  magistrate,  Pwanyu, 


"   Treaties  and  Conventions,  1889,  p.  612. 

"  See  an  article  by  Matsuyama  Makato  in  vol.  cxxvii  of  N.  Am. 
Review,  pp.  406-26.  On  the  civil  discord  which  resulted  in  Japa- 
nese reforms,  see  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  65,  40-2,  vol.  ii,  May  23,  1868. 

**  See  the  Commercial  Convention  of  1878,  and  the  Treaty  of 
Commerce  and  Navigation  of  November  22,  1894,  which  went  into 
effect  July  17,  1899. 


85]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — China.  85 

and  the  American  merchants  at  Whampoa  protested  with- 
out effect.'' 

For  many  years  the  powers  of  Western  Europe  had  been 
able  to  secure  a  restricted  trade."  As  early  as  1537  the 
Portuguese  temporarily  established  a  trade  at  Macao.  They 
were  soon  followed  by  the  Spanish,  who  had  established 
a  colony  at  Manila  in  1543.  In  1622  the  Dutch  attacked 
the  Portuguese  settlements  at  Macao  and  occupied  the  Pes- 
cadore  (Pang-hu)  Islands,  and  in  1625  they  were  induced 
to  move  to  Formosa  by  Chinese  promises  of  freedom  of 
trade,  but  were  driven  to  Java,  a  generation  later,  by  the 
fleet  of  Koshinga,  the  pirate.  In  1637  Captain  Weddel,  with 
an  English  squadron,  anchored  off  Macao  and  compelled 
the  opening  of  trade  with  the  English.  Soon  after  1689 
Russian  caravans  were  premitted  to  go  to  Peking  to  trade. 
All  attempts  to  secure  commercial  treaties  or  regular  diplo- 
matic intercourse,  however,  had  ended  in  failure.  Most 
ambassadors  refused  to  make  the  nine  prostrations  required 
by  the  emperor  as  a  preliminary  to  negotiation.  In  1699 
the  English  East  India  Company  obtained  permission  to 
establish  a  factory  and  a  consulate  at  Canton,  where  they 
desired  to  trade  in  tea,  but  trade  was  often  interrupted  by 
heavy  duties  and  extortions.  The  Dutch  finally  secured 
the  same  privilege.     No  other  port  was  open  to  commerce. 

For  half  a  century  after  1720  all  business  of  Europeans 
was  transacted  through  a  single  company  of  Chinese  hong 
merchants,  which  was  responsible  to  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment for  the  customs  and  duties,  and  responsible  to  no  one 
for  its  enormous  profits.  Though  the  co-hong  was  dis- 
solved in  1771,  the  hong  merchants,  by  making  presents  to 

"^  14  De  Bow,  Apr.,  1853,  P-  359-  Terranora  accidentally  killed 
a  Chinese  woman  by  dropping  a  pot  on  her  head.  He  was  finally 
given  up  to  the  Chinese  authorities,  who  strangled  him  outside  of 
the  walls.  [G.  F.  Train:  An  American  Merchant  in  Europe, 
Asia  and  Australia.     N.  Y.     1847.] 

**  Early  relations  of  the  Western  Powers  with  China  are  fully 
treated  in  R.  Montgomery  Martin's  "  China,  Political,  Commercial 
and  Social."     [Official  Report,  London,  1847,  2  vols.] 


86        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [86 

the  Canton  magistrates,  still  contrived  to  maintain  their 
monopoly  and  continued  their  exorbitant  and  extortionate 
prices,  and  in  some  cases  refused  to  pay  their  debts.  Sus- 
pecting that  their  complaints  were  never  allowed  to  reach 
Peking,  the  British,  in  1792,  sent  to  the  imperial  city  an 
ambassador  (Lord  Macartney),  who  secured  the  dismissal 
of  the  Canton  viceroy  who  had  encouraged  the  frauds.  In 
1816,  they  again  complained  of  the  manner  of  the  Canton 
trade  and  asked  for  new  ports  more  convenient  to  the  prin- 
cipal tea  district,  but  Lord  Amherst,  who  was  sent  at  the 
head  of  an  embassy,  was  not  received  by  the  Chinese  sov- 
ereign. 

After  the  expiration  (1833)  of  the  charter  of  the  East  India 
Company,  which  had  traded  as  a  supplicant  to  whom  the 
Chinese  granted  favors,  the  Western  world  began  its  de- 
mand for  the  admission  to  China  of  individual  merchants 
who  desired  to  trade.  In  July,  1834,  Lord  Napier,  with  in- 
structions from  Lord  Palmerston,  arrived  at  Canton  and 
demanded  trade  as  a  right.  The  Chinese  refused  to  enter 
into  any  kind  of  negotiations  to  trade  with  "  barbarians." 
After  a  period  of  irritation  growing  out  of  opium  smuggling, 
they  precipitated  war  by  issuing  a  decree  suspending  all 
trade  with  England,  who,  in  turn,  resolved  to  bombard  the 
exclusive  Asiatics  and  oblige  them  to  open  the  country  to 
foreigners  who  desired  to  walk  civilly  through  it.  Unable 
to  cope  with  British  gunpowder,  they  soon  began  to  re- 
ceive fresh  light  from  new  lamps.  In  the  peace  negotiations 
of  1842,  at  the  close  of  the  so-called  "  Opium  War,"  they 
agreed  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  war,  cede  Hong  Kong 
to  Great  Britain  and  open  five  ports,  including  that  of 
Fuchau,  which  the  British  had  especially  desired.  The 
commercial  privileges  which  England  secured  by  the  can- 
non's mouth  were  soon  granted  to  other  nations  who  sought 
them. 

The  United  States  was  not  slow  to  take  advantage  of  the 
Chinese  reformed  methods  of  intercourse.  In  September, 
1839,  when  the   Chinese   suspected  that  Americans  were 


87]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — China.  87 

cooperating  with  the  British,  P.  W.  Snow,  the  American 
consul  at  Canton,  had  declined  to  conform  to  the  trouble- 
some Chinese  literary  conventionalities  which  the  author- 
ities asked  him  to  insert  in  his  reply  to  the  edicts  of  the  im- 
perial commissioner."*  In  December,  1842,  President  Tyler 
sent  to  the  Senate  and  the  House  a  message,'"  prepared  by 
Webster,"  referring  to  the  importance  of  the  Sandwich 
Islands  and  the  China  trade,""  and  urging  an  appropriation 
for  sending  an  official  representative  to  China.  A  bill  for 
a  mission  was  called  up  by  the  Senate  at  midnight  on  the 
last  day  of  the  session  of  1842-43.  It  met  with  much  oppo- 
sition. Benton,  on  the  ground  that  we  already  had  trade 
and  could  never  have  closer  relations  than  that  with  a  people 
so  distant  and  pecuHar,  said  there  was  no  necessity  for  a 
treaty.  The  appropriation  was  voted,  however,  and  Edward 
Everett  was  selected  (March  3)  as  the  first  envoy.'"  When 
the  latter  declined,  Caleb  Cushing  was  appointed.  His  in- 
structions,^ signed  by  Webster,  were  designed  to  dispel  the 
Chinese  delusion  that  other  nations  were  dependents,  and 
their  representatives  tribute  bearers.  He  was  directed  to 
announce  to  the  Chinese  that  the  United  States  "  pays 
tribute  to  none  and  expects  tribute  from  none,"  but  desires 
friendship  and  the  protection  of  rights. 

Arriving  at  Macao  in  the  Brandywine  in  February, 
1844,  he  soon  opened  correspondence  with  the  authorities 
near  Canton,  who  kept  him  in  diplomatic  contention  until 
the  middle  of  May.  Failing  to  induce  the  Oriental  mind 
to  allow  him  to  go  to  Peking,  he  was  finally  persuaded  to 
abandon  that  part  of  his  plan.  Pen  and  ink  prevailed  over 
thoughts  of  cannon  and  ammunition.     On  the  arrival  of 

"  H.  Exec.  Doc.  119,  26-1,  Feb.  21,  1840,  85  pp. 

"Richardson's  Messages,  p.  211. 

"  Curtis's  Webster,  p.  176. 

"*  In  1841  the  imports  of  the  United  States  from  China  were 
valued  at  $9,000,000,  and  her  direct  exports  to  China  were  $715,000 
for  domestic  goods  and  $485,000  foreign  goods. 

"  5  Stat,  at  Large,  p.  624.  -- 

**  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  138,  28-2,  Feb.  21,  1845,  9  pp. 


•^ 


88        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [88 

an  imperial  commissioner,  Gushing  decided  that  it  was 
best  "  to  dispose  of  all  the  commercial  questions  by 
treaty  before  venturing  on  Peking,"  where  the  Chinese 
ceremonial  required  ambassadors  to  undergo  a  series  of 
prostrations  and  bumping  of  the  head  on  the  ground  before 
the  footstool  of  the  Chinese  "  Son  of  Heaven."  "  On  July  3, 
at  Wang  Hiya,  near  Macao,  he  concluded  with  Keying  "  a 
treaty  of  peace,  amity  and  commerce,  opening  the  five  ports 
to  American  commerce,  establishing  port  regulations,  allow- 
ing American  citizens  the  privileges  of  residence,  cemeteries 
and  hospitals,  conceding  the  right  of  foreigners  to  be  tried 
before  their  consuls;  granting  to  the  United  States  the 
privilege  of  direct  correspondence  with  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment (to  be  transmitted  by  designated  port  officers),  and 
promising  all  the  privileges  and  advantages  which  China 
might  grant  to  other  nations." 

The  United  States,  by  her  peaceful  but  firm  policy,  with 
no  desire  for  Chinese  territory,  secured  greater  prestige  and 
concession  than  the  British. 

In  1845  Gushing  returned  to  the  United  States  via  the 
west  coast  of  Mexico  and  Vera  Cruz.  At  that  time,  he,  like 
many  others,  probably  did  not  foresee  the  swiftly-coming 
events  which  a  few  years  later  contributed  ta  the  necessity 
of  revising  the  treaty  and  enforcing  its  provisions  more 
rigidly.  There  were  then  no  railways  to  the  Pacific.  Cali- 
fornia was  not  yet  an  Anglo-Saxon  community.  Unin- 
spired prophecy  declared  that  the  Pacific  coast  would  never 
be  a  part  of  the  territory  under  the  control  of  the  United 
States  Government.  In  less  than  three  years  thereafter,  we 
had  expanded  to  the  Pacific,  a  line  of  American  steamers 
were  nearly  ready  to  run  from  Panama  to  California  and 
Oregon,  and  we  were  preparing  to  shorten  the  distance  to 

"Benton:  Thirty  Years'  View,  vol.  ii.  H.  Doc.  69,  28-2,  vol.  ii, 
Jan.  22,  1845,  14  pp. 

"  Keying  appeared  to  be  a  man  of  relatively  liberal  views.  He 
was  unfortunate  in  his  subsequent  career. 

^  H.  Doc.  69,  28-2,  vol.  ii,  Jan.  22,  1845,  14  pp. 


89]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — China.  89 

the  Far  East,  and  increase  intercourse,  by  a  transconti- 
nental railway,  and  a  regular,  swift  line  of  steamers  between 
California  and  China  "  via  the  Sandwich  Islands. 

After  Commodore  Biddle  had  exchanged  the  ratified 
Cushing  treaty,  Alexander  H.  Everett  was  sent  as  our  rep- 
resentative at  Canton;  but  he  soon  died  and  was  succeeded 
by  John  W.  Davis,  who  managed  to  obtain  an  interview 
with  the  Imperial  Commissioner  at  Canton,  in  1848,  and 
organized  our  peculiar  judicial  system  in  China." 

In  his  message  of  December,  1851,  President  Fillmore 
announced  that  the  office  of  Commissioner  to  China  re- 
mained unfilled — that  several  persons,  to  whom  the  place 
had  been  oflfered,  had  declined  because  of  the  inadequacy 

•*  H.  Rp.  596,  30-1,  vol.  iii,  May  4,  1848.    37  pp. 

American  interests  in  the  Pacific  and  the  Far  East  had  "  attained 
great  magnitudes."  In  January,  1846,  there  were  736  American 
ships  (233,149  tons),  and  19,560  officers  and  seamen  engaged  in  the 
whale  fisheries.  Their  annual  product  was  about  $10,000,000,  and 
they  spent  about  $3,000,000  in  foreign  ports,  annually,  for  refresh- 
ments and  repairs.  Besides  the  whaling  industry,  we  also  had  200 
vessels  (75,000  tons)  and  5000  seamen  engaged  in  the  Pacific  carry- 
ing trade — exclusive  of  the  commerce  with  China.  These  consid- 
erations, induced  the  House  committee  on  naval  affairs  to  urge 
the  necessity  of  a  naval  depot  on  the  California  coast,  as  a  part  of 
the  proposed  plans  for  facilitating  intercourse  between  the  Mis- 
sissippi river  and  China.  The  committee  said:  "  Our  commerce 
with  China  possesses  the  elements  of  indefinite  expansion."  Under 
the  new  Chinese  policy,  which  had  released  trade  from  the  vexa- 
tious monopolistic  control  of  extortionate,  capricious  mandarins, 
Chinese  imports  from  foreign  countries  had  increased  from  $10,- 
205,370  in  1842  to  $17,843,249  in  1844,  and  her  exports  from  $13,- 
339,750,  in  1842  to  $25,513,370  in  1844,  exclusive  of  the  opium  trade. 

By  1852,  the  American  trade  with  China  amounted  to  $18,000,000 
annually;  but  since  the  beginning  of  our  trade  with  China,  our 
imports  had  exceeded  our  exports  more  than  $180,000,000,  which 
had  been  paid  in  silver.  John  P.  Kennedy,  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
suggested  that  China  might  be  induced  to  receive  American  to- 
bacco as  a  substitute  for  poisonous  opium.  [Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  49, 
32-2,  Feb.  16,  1853.] 

^  See  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  72,  31-1,  Sept.  9,  1850.  (Davis'  report  as 
to  consular  courts.) 

Mr.  Davis  was  not  able  to  find  an  American  lawyer  in  all  China, 
Hong  Kong,  Macao,  or  the  Philippine  Islands. 


90        American  Relations  in  the  Politic  and  Far  East.       [90 

of  the  salary  of  $6,000  to  meet  the  expense  of  Hving.  A 
year  later  he  appointed  Humphrey  Marshall,  who  accepted, 
and  arrived  in  China  at  the  beginning  of  1853,  with  a  letter 
to  the  emperor,  and  instructions  to  seek  more  satisfactory 
regulation  of  intercourse.  [See  Appendix.] 
^  The  vast  changes  in  conditions  since  the  United  States 
had  stood  alone  in  the  solitude  of  her  first  territorial  limits, 
brought  new  duties  and  greater  opportunities.  Then  the 
possession  of  Florida  and  Louisiana  by  European  powers 
was  a  source  of  anxiety  to  the  fathers  of  the  republic.  Now, 
we  had  annexed  the  neighbors  whom  we  had  formerly 
feared.  Then  the  trans-Mississippi  and  the  trans-Rocky 
territories  were  open  to  the  conquest  of  foreigners.  Now, 
the  Pacific  alone  intervened  between  us  and  Asia,  and 
Europe  looked  with  amazement  and  admiration  upon  the 
giant  strides  of  the  youthful  but  vigorous  republic.  While 
we  had  been  advancing  by  expansion,  the  wonders  of  science 
had  brought  us  into  closer  proximity  with  all  of  the  powers 
of  the  world.  In  our  weak  beginning,  when  we  were  em- 
barrassed by  the  wars  of  Europe,  Washington  gave  a  warn- 
ing against  foreign  entanglements,  which  became  stereo- 
typed into  a  political  proverb,  but  now  people  began  to 
ask:  "  Can  the  country  continue  to  regard  itself  apart  from 
Europe  and  the  world?  "  "  Would  not  the  new  conditions 
require  the  United  States  to  be  a  part  of  any  great  political 
transaction  which  afifects  the  history  of  the  world?  "  We 
were  interested  especially  in  the  relations  and  policies 
of  the  great  colonizing  nations  of  Europe.  Feeling  that 
relations  with  the  East  would  constitute  the  most  importaat 
factor  in  the  achievements  of  the  future,  some  went  so  far 
as  to  advocate  an  Anglo-American  alliance  "  to  preserve  the 


*•  W.  H.  Trescot,  whose  name  figured  later  in  the  foreign  rela- 
tions of  the  United  States,  in  1849,  stating  that  the  Russian  colonial 
system  must  be  an  exclusive  one.  and  believing  that  the  recent 
British  economic  policy  indicated  that  Great  Britain  was  "  willing 
to  share  with  the  United  States  the  divided  allegiance  of  the 
world  "  considered  that  an  alliance  should  be  a  part  of  our  foreign 


91]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — C/iina.  91 

integrity  of  China  and  an  open  door,  and  to  arrest  the  in- 
creasing power  and  growing  antagonism  of  England  and 
Russia  in  the  direction  of  Asia,  which  was  now  our  near 
neighbor.  The  United  States,  therefore,  felt  as  much  con- 
cern in  the  affairs  of  the  East  as  any  nation  in  Europe.  ^^ 

The  year  which  Marshall  spent  in  China  was  one  of  great 
political  confusion.  Revolution  sought  to  remedy  the 
chronic  diseases  of  the  empire.  Part  of  the  political  organ- 
ism undertook  to  throw  off  superincumbent  weight  which 
had  been  sustained  for  years.".  Taiping  '^  affairs  culminated, 


policy.  He  considered  it  the  only  means  to  frustrate  Russian  de- 
signs, and,  at  the  same  time,  preserve  the  independence  of  China. 
Spain  was  too  feeble  to  interfere,  and  Austria  and  Prussia  were 
only  "  accidents  and  convenient  outworks  of  other  nations." 
France,  who  (excepting  England)  was  the  only  European  power 
possessing  a  basis  for  independent  action  was  still  the  natural  ally 
of  Russia,  as  she  was  at  Tilsit.  "  Equally  as  natural,"  said  Tres- 
cot,  "  and  equally  as  necessary,  is  the  alliance  between  England 
and  the  United  States.  .  .  .  The  future  history  of  the  world  must 
be  achieved  in  the  East.  .  .  .  The  United  States  and  Great  Britain 
by  concerted  action  on  the  ocean  can  control  the  history  of  the 
world.  .  .  .  Indeed,  how  can  it  be  otherwise.  We  are  the  two 
great  commercial  nations  of  modern  history,  .  .  .  with  the  same 
language  and  ancestry.  .  .  .  And  while  the  interest,  both  of  Eng- 
land and  the  United  States,  lies  in  the  monopoly  of  their  Asiatic 
trade,  each  Government  is  peculiarly  adapted  for  its  respective  part 
in  the  accomplishment  of  so  important  an  end.  .  .  .  Thus  allied  in 
an  honest  unity  of  interest,  the  United  States  becomes  England's 
strength,  against  the  world,  in  support  of  her  Indian  colonies,  and, 
shut  out  from  territorial  aggrandizement  themselves,  the  United 
States,  are  thus  by  alliance  with  England — sharers  of  a  common 
basis  for  further  operations." 

"See  an  article  in  15  De  Bow,  Dec.  1853,  pp.  541-71:  China  and 
the  Indies — Our  "  Manifest  Destiny  "  in  the  East. 

**  The  religious  movement  which  developed  into  the  Taiping  re- 
bellion was  organized  in  the  interior  of  China  by  Hung  Sew-tsuen, 
a  schoolmaster,  who  had  been  influenced  by  Christian  books  and 
had  renounced  Buddhism.  His  followers  resisted  exactions,  were 
persecuted,  and  finally  arming  themselves  for  self-defence,  de- 
stroyed temples,  and  in  October,  1850,  won  an  important  victory 
over  the  imperial  soldiery.  Moving  northward,  they  conquered  as 
they  went.  In  March,  1853,  they  captured  Nanking,  which  became 
Hung's  capital  in  i860.  In  1853,  they  also  took  Shanghai.  Their 
success  thrilled  the  world,  but  political  corruption  and  fanaticism 


92        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [92 

and  the  fate  of  the  imperial  dynasty  was  hanging  in  the  bal- 
ance. The  imperial  ofificials  were  too  busy  to  attend  to 
foreign  affairs.  Marshall  could  obtain  no  conference  with 
a  properly  authorized  plenipotentiary.  On  his  arrival  in 
January,  he  sent  a  note  to  Yeh,  announcing  his  appointment 
and  requesting  an  interview.  He  was  far  from  pleased  at 
Yeh's  note  of  excuses."  In  his  despatch  to  the  Department 
of  State  "  he  gave  vent  to  his  indignation  at  being  embar- 
rassed in  his  usefulness,  and  announced  his  determination 
not  to  submit  to  such  discourtesy.  He  then  went  to  see 
Eliang  (Governor  of  Kiang-nan  and  Kiang-si  provinces), 
who  received  him  in  person  on  July  4,  and  sent  to  the  Em- 
peror the  President's  letter,  and  Marshall's  request  to  be 
received  at  Peking  to  conduct  American  diplomatic  rela- 
tions there.  He  (Marshall)  received  acknowledgment  of 
the  letters,  but  his  request  was  not  granted.  His  hopes  were 
chilled  by  new  evasions  and  new  reference  to  everything 
and  everybody  of  Canton,  the  theatre  of  perplexity,  and 
the  usual  channel  for  conducting  diplomatic  business.  At 
Canton,  however,  all  of  his  applications  were  refused." 


clouded  their  ideas  of  reform.  They  failed  in  their  attack  upon 
Peking,  were  expelled,  by  European  powers,  from  Shanghai  and 
Ningpo,  and  finally,  in  July,  1864,  were  driven  from  Nanking  with 
merciless  slaughter.  The  overthrow  of  the  rebellion  was  aided  by 
the  leadership  of  Gen.  Ward,  an  American,  and  Col.  Gordon  an 
Englishman. 

*•  Yeh  and  the  Governor  returned  the  following  gem  of  literary 
piquancy  and  Chinese  diplomacy:  "...  We  are  delighted  to  un- 
derstand that  the  honorable  Commissioner  has  received  the  super- 
intendence of  trade  at  the  five  ports.  We  have  heretofore  heard 
that  the  honorable  Commissioner  is  mild  and  even-tempered,  just 
and  upright.  ...  As  to  setting  a  time  for  an  interview,  we,  the 
Minister,  and  Governor  are  also  exceedingly  desirous  of  a  mutual 
interview,  when  face  to  face  we  may  converse,  in  order  to  mani- 
fest the  good  correspondence  of  our  respective  countries;  but  I, 
the  Minister,  am  at  present  at  Saou-Chow  Pass,  and  I,  the  Gover- 
nor, having  the  superintendence  of  everything,  have  not  the  slight- 
est leisure,  and  can  only  await  the  return  of  the  Minister " 

[H.  Exec.  Doc.  123,  33-1,  p.  13.] 

*"  Despatch  No.  3,  Feb.  7,  1853.     H.  Exec.  Doc.  123,  33-1,  p.  13. 

"  Despatches  21,  27,  and  28,  July  6,  Aug.  26,  and  Aug.  30,  1853. 
H.  Exec.  Doc.  123,  33-1,  pp.  189,  240,  and  248. 


93]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — China.  93 

He  also  had  much  difficulty  and  conflict  with  the  Ameri- 
can naval  commanders,  whom  he  asked  to  conduct  him  to 
northern  ports,  but  to  whom  he  refused  to  divulge  his  pur- 
poses in  going.  He  complained  that  his  exposure  to  the 
discourtesy  of  Commodore  Aulick  would  leave  an  unfor- 
tunate impression  on  the  minds  of  Chinese  officials  and 
result '  in  the  procrastination  of  impending  questions 
and  the  loss  of  important  advantages  in  political  ar- 
rangements. With  Perry,  who  relieved  Aulick  in  the 
East,  and  stopped  at  Shanghai  en  route  for  Japan, 
he  was  no  better  pleased.  Impatient  in  his  desire  to 
present  his  credentials,  and  to  insist  upon  an  official 
residence  at  Peking,  and  urging  that  it  was  a  favorable  time 
to  press  China  for  more  satisfactory  relations,  he  asked 
Perry  *'  to  leave  a  naval  force  at  Shanghai  to  make  his  de- 
mands and  negotiations  more  eflfective."  His  proposition 
was  disregarded.  With  no  vessels  at  his  command,  and  no 
prospects  of  diplomatic  intercourse  by  the  close  of  the  year, 
he  was  not  sorry  to  close  his  mission  and  return  to  the 
United  States.  The  unreserved  publication  of  his  de- 
spatches (even  of  his  most  confidential  letters)  in  July,  1854, 
gave  the  world  an  opportunity  to  see  the  extent  and  char- 
acter of  his  vexations.     His  intention  to  leave  China  he 


"  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  34,  33-2,  pp.  23-26. 

"  In  a  note  to  Perry  on  May  13,  Marshall  said:  "  If  the  Emperor 
of  China  confronted  by  a  formidable  rebellion  .  .  .  would  prefer  to 
hazard  war  with  the  United  States  to  an  admission  of  their  envoy 
to  this  court,  yet  will  not  execute  his  treaty  obligations  by  ap- 
pointing a  proper  public  oflfiicer  to  adjust  questions  which  arise  in 
the  foreign  relations  of  his  government,  the  United  States  might 
well  desire  to  modify  their  policy  with  Japan  until  their  future 
relations  with  China  were  more  clearly  ascertained." 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year,  Perry  who  had  returned  to  Hong 
Kong  from  Japan,  was  requested  by  Marshall  to  cooperate  with 
him  in  an  attempt  to  visit  Peking  to  learn  the  exact  condition  of 
the  revolution,  to  insist  upon  commercial  rights,  and  to  assure  the 
"  Christian  Emperor "  of  his  readiness  to  acknowledge  the  new 
government;  but  the  Commodore,  stating  that  neither  of  the  Chi- 
nese parties  was  in  a  condition  to  negotiate,  refused  to  take  any 
step  that  might  be  interpreted  as  participation  in  the  civil  war. 


94       American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.      [94 

announced  to  Yeh,  who  replied  [January,  1854] :  "  1  avail 
myself  of  the  occasion  to  present  my  compliments,  and  trust 
that,  of  late,  your  blessings  have  been  increasingly  tranquil." 

In  October,  1853,  Robert  McLane  was  appointed  Com- 
missioner to  China."  His  instructions "  of  November  9, 
from  Marcy,  vested  him  with  large  and  discretionary 
powers,  by  which  he  could  be  prepared  to  meet  contingen- 
cies which  might  arise  from  the  results  of  the  existing  revo- 
lution. He  was  directed,  in  case  of  a  crisis,  to  attempt  to 
secure  unrestricted  commercial  intercourse — free  trade,  if 
possible — but  with  no  desire  for  exclusive  privileges.**  He 
was  assured  that  Perry  would  receive  instructions  to  coop- 
erate and  give  such  assistance  as  the  exigencies  of  the 
public  interest  might  require,  and  at  least  to  comply  with 
any  request  for  a  steamer.  In  view  of  the  possible  success 
of  the  revolutionists,  he  was  authorized  to  use  his  discre- 
tion in  recognizing  the  government  de  facto  and  treat  with 
it — or,  in  case  China  should  be  divided  under  several  gov- 
ernments "  promising  stability,"  to  negotiate  treaties  with 
each  government. 

Taking  the  overland  route  to  the  Pacific,  McLane  reached 
Hong  Kong  on  March  13,  1854.  Like  his  predecessor,  he 
was  unsuccessful  in  his  attempts  to  open  diplomatic  inter- 
course.    He  found  Yeh  still  too  busy  to  talk."     Looking  at 

**  Robert  J.  Walker  had  accepted  the  Chinese  mission,  but  finally- 
declined. 

**  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  39,  36-1,  vol.  xi,  Apr.  23.  i860.     4  pp. 

*•  He  was  also  given  power  to  make  a  similar  treaty  with  Corea, 
Cochin  China,  or  any  other  independent  Asiatic  power  with  whom 
we  had  no  treaty — and,  in  case  Perry  might  fail,  to  renew  efforts  in 
Japan. 

"On  Apr.  6,  Yeh  in  reply  to  McLane,  wrote:  "  Yec.  .  .  .  am 
delighted  to  learn  that  the  Commissioner  has  arrived  in  the  south 
of  China.  ...  I,  the  Minister,  am  exceedingly  comforted  in  my 
mind.  As  to  appointing  a  time  for  presentation,  I.  the  Minister, 
am  also  desirous  of  an  interview  .  .  .  .  ;  but  just  at  this  moment, 
I  the  Minister,  am  superintending  the  affairs  of  the  army  in  the 
several  provinces,  and  day  and  night  have  no  rest.  Suffer  me, 
then,  to  wait  for  a  little  leisure,  when  I  may  make  selection  of  a 
propitious  day,  that  we  may  have  a  pleasant  meeting."  [Sen. 
Exec.  22,  35-2,  p.  19.] 


95]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — China.  95 

the  archives  of  the  legation,  he  reported  that  they  presented 
a  very  humiHating  view  of  our  past  relations  with  China, 
whose  officials  rendered  intercourse  most  unsatisfactory. 
Considering  the  experience  of  both  England  and  France, 
he  was  convinced  that  diplomatic  intercourse  could  be  ob- 
tained with  the  Chinese  Government  only  at  the  cannon's 
mouth,  but  he  resisted  Sir  John  Bowring's  suggestion  for 
uniting  forces  for  combined  action."  Mr.  Parker,  secre- 
tary of  the  legation,  suggested  that  the  Chinese  officials 
should  be  warned  that  such  discourteous  treatment  would 
be  borne  no  longer,  and  that  a  remonstrance  should  be  pre- 
sented to  the  emperor  in  person — either  to  Heen  Fung 
or  to  Taiping." 

Informing  Yeh  that  he  would  seek  some  other  medium 
of  communication,  McLane  soon  went  northward  to 
Shanghai,"  which  had  been  held  by  the  revolutionists  since 
the  autumn  of  1853,  but  was  still  annoyed  by  the  imperial 
forces.  He  found  that  American  merchants  were  not  yet 
satisfied  with  the  decision  of  Marshall,  that  suspension  of 
custom  house  control  by  the  Imperial  Government  did  not 
annul  the  treaty  obligation  to  pay  duties."     He  sustained 

*•  Despatch  No.  3,  to  Marcy,  Apr.  20,  1854.  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  22, 
35-2,  p.  21. 

**  In  1854,  encouraged  by  the  success  of  his  Japan  expedition. 
Perry  advocated  the  extension  of  the  American  policy  (of  stopping 
exclusiveness)  to  Cambodia,  Borneo,  and  especially  to  Formosa, 
which  he  considered  might  be  useful  in  aiding  China  to  establish 
a  more  liberal  form  of  government.  For  the  latter  purpose  he  in- 
timated that  further  intervention  by  Great  Britain  after  the  Opium 
War  would  have  been  justifiable.  Opposed  to  any  toleration  of 
unsocial  and  insolent  exclusiveness,  he  urged  that  diplomatic  rep- 
resentatives should  reside  at  Peking  and  other  oriental  capitals. 
Looking  to  the  future,  he  said:  "We  must  protect  commerce, 
and  prepare  for  events  which  must  transpire,  in  the  East.  In  the 
developments  of  the  future,  the  destinies  of  our  nation  must  as- 
sume conspicuous  attitudes."  [Perry:  U.  S.  Japan  Expedition, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  173-81.] 

"  Senate  Exec.  Doc.  22,  35-2  (vol.  viii),  p.  29  et  seq.  Despatch 
Nos.  4,  5  and  6,  May  4,  and  21,  and  June  14,  1854. 

"  Marshall,  considering  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  United  States 
to  protect  the  Chinese  revenue,  and  that  if  duties  were  not  paid 


96        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [96 

the  decision  of  Marshall,  however,  and  awarded  to  the  Chi- 
nese the  revenues  due  from  Americans." 

In  June,  1854,  McLane  visited  Woohoo,  about  70  miles 
above  Nanking,  and  investigated  the  origin,  purpose,  and 
extent  of  the  Taiping  rebellion.  The  insurgent  leaders 
appeared  not  to  have  the  liberality  and  friendliness  which 
had  been  attributed  to  them  by  the  deluded  missionary 
sympathizers.  In  exclusiveness  and  extraordinary  pre- 
tensions the  chiefs  exceeded  the  tone  of  the  imperial  au- 
thorities." They  informed  Captain  Buchanan  that  he 
might  be  permitted  to  make  yearly  visits  to  bring  tribute 
and  bathe  in  the  "  gracious  streams  of  the  celestial 
dynasty." 

In  October,  McLane,  in  company  with  Sir  John  Bow- 
ring,  sailed  northward,  and  after  some  "  amphibious  ad- 
ventures "  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pei-ho,  met  an  imperial  [non- 
plenipotentiary]  commissioner  in  a  wretched  tent  near 
Taku,  and  participated  in  a  fruitless  conference  which  lasted 
almost  an  entire  day."  On  August  20,  he  had  arrived  at 
the  conclusion  that  if  the  eflforts  then  being  made  should 


at  Shanghai,  they  would  be  levied  on  the  goods  in  the  interior, 
had  established  a  provisional  arrangement  for  the  payment  or 
guarantee  of  the  duties.  The  British  residents  did  not  favor  the 
system,  and  offered  no  opposition  to  a  "  rebel  "  mob  which  sacked 
the  custom  house  on  September  7,  1853. 

"^  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  22,  35-2,  p.  112  et  seq.  [Despatch  7,  July  7, 
1854.]  On  Nov.  8,  before  the  award  was  paid  over,  Marcy  agree- 
ing with  Lord  Clarendon,  gave  instructions  to  rescind  the  arrange- 
ment as  to  duty  obligations.  Parker,  the  charge  d'affaires  was  much 
embarrassed  by  this  order,  and  the  insubordination  of  Mr.  Mur- 
phy, the  American  consul.  The  question  of  paying  the  duties  was 
finally  settled  by  Attorney-General  Gushing,  who  decided  that  the 
award  of  McLane,  as  an  arbitrator,  was  obligatory.  The  Ghinese 
difficulty  in  managing  the  revenues  soon  resulted  in  the  establish- 
ment of  a  Foreign  Inspectorate  of  Gustoms,  to  supervise  the  du- 
ties, and  see  that  they  were  collected. 

"  See  the  "  Mandatory  "  enclosed  in  Despatch  No.  6  of  June  14, 
1854.  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  22,  35-2,  p.  62.  Also  see  p.  50  et  seq.,  and 
p.  70  et  seq. 

"  For  Ghinese  memoranda  of  the  conference,  see  enclosures  in 
Reed  to  Gass,  No.  23,  Oct.  21,  1858.  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  30,  36-1,  pp. 
438-88  (vol.  x). 


97]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — China.  97 

prove  unavailing,  it  would  be  necessary  to  abandon  all 
further  expectation  of  extending  commercial  intercourse 
by  treaty,  unless  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  should 
concur  in  a  policy  of  exerting  a  more  active  and  decided 
influence  on  the  destiny  of  China.*^  In  November  he  urged 
Marcy  to  adopt  a  "  more  positive  policy,"  stating  that  if  the 
Chinese  emperor  remained  obstinate  a  united  Anglo- 
Franco-American  fleet  should  blockade  the  Pei-ho,  Yanste, 
Min,  and  Canton  rivers,  until  all  the  commercial  privileges 
demanded  by  the  foreigners  should  be  conceded."' 

Secretary  Marcy  remained  cool,  conservative,  and 
careful. 

McLane  having  returned  to  the  United  States  (in  De- 
cember, 1854)  in  poor  health,  in  the  summer  of  1855  Mr. 
Parker  was  appointed  commissioner.  His  term  of  service 
was  coincident  with  a  period  of  troubles  which  severely 
tested  his  amiable,  religious  temper.  He  went  to  China  via 
London,  where  he  exchanged  generalities  with  Lord  Clar- 
endon on  Anglo-Saxon  interests,  Anglo-American  alliance, 
and  "  concurrent  action  and  cooperation  in  China." 

Like  his  predecessors,  he  failed  to  bring  Yeh  to  a  per- 
sonal interview.  Unable  to  appreciate  the  latter's  method 
of  conducting  the  Chinese  foreign  office,  he  sailed  north- 
ward. On  September  3,  while  at  Shanghai,  he  wrote 
Marcy :  "  The  contemplated  plan  of  concurrent  action  on 
the  part  of  Great  Britain,  France  and  the  United  States 
never  appeared  to  me  more  wise  or  desirable  than  at  this 
moment." "  Having  no  American  squadron  available  to 
accompany  him  to  the  Pei-ho,  he  returned  (November,  1856) 
to  the  south  of  China  where  he  found  American  commercial 
interests  paralyzed  by  the  confusion  resulting  from  the 
Arrow  afifair  and  the  British  bombardment  of  Canton." 


*  Despatch  No.  10,  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  22,  35-2,  p.  169. 

■*  Despatch  20,  Nov.  19,  1854,  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  22,  35-2,  p.  285. 

"Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  22,  35-2,  p.  921. 

"  Another  effort  to  secure  changes  in  treaties,  which  was  about  to 
be  made  in  conjunction  with  the  Ministers  of  France  and  England, 
was  suspended  by  the  Canton  hostilities. 
7 


98        American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.       [98 

The  United  States  was  almost  drawn  into  the  conflict  at 
Canton.  A  few  Americans  joined  the  British  hostile  forces 
and  displayed  the  American  flag.  After  the  beginning  of 
the  conflict,  the  Chinese,  having  suggested  the  withdrawal 
of  the  American  forces,  became  provoked  because  an  Amer- 
ican boat  was  sent  "  to  sound  the  river  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  forts  "  and  they  opened  fire  on  a  boat  carrying  the 
American  flag,  and  belonging  to  one  of  the  American  ships- 
of-war.  Commodore  Armstrong,  in  reply,  authorized  a 
movement  against  the  Barrier  forts,  then  demanded  an 
apology  for  the  insult  to  the  flag,  and  finally  emphasized 
the  demand  by  destroying  the  forts."  The  British  believed 
that  the  United  States  had  become  involved  and  would 
henceforth  actively  cooperate." 

Parker  claimed  to  be  cautious,  but  on  December  12  "  he 
confidentially  suggested  to  Marcy  that  the  combined  forces 
should  present  themselves  at  the  Pei-ho,  and  in  case  China 
still  refused  to  welcome  envoys  at  Peking,  as  a  final  step 
resort  to  reprisal  by  hoisting  the  French  flag  in  Corea,  the 
British  in  Chusan,  and  the  American  in  Formosa,  and  the 
retention  of  the  territories  until  China  should  accept  the 
terms  oflfered,  and  give  satisfaction  for  the  past  and  a  right 

**  Commanders  Foote  and  Armstrong,  notified  by  Consul  O.  H. 
Perry  that  there  was  danger  of  trouble,  had  moved  up  the  river 
toward  Canton  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  American  citizens. 
The  Chinese,  excited  by  the  collision  with  the  British,  fired  upon 
the  American  vessels  without  cause.  The  action  of  the  Americans 
in  destroying  the  Barrier  forts,  was  not  regarded  by  the  Chinese 
as  an  act  of  war,  and  was  considered  within  the  limits  of  a  neutral 
policy.     [H.  M.  Wood:    Fankwei,  N.  Y.,  1859.] 

""  Nearly  a  year  later,  Mr.  Reed  wrote  Secretary  Cass  that  the 
archives  of  the  legation  showed  that  Parker  "  to  a  certain  point, 
encouraged  Sir  John  Bowring  [and  others]  in  the  most  extrava- 
gant expectations  of  cooperation  on  our  part,  to  the  extent  even 
of  acquisition  of  territory."  Referring  to  the  mischievous  effects 
of  Parker's  course  he  said  that  when  the  delusion  was  broken,  and 
it  became  understood  that  the  extreme  policy  of  cooperation  was 
disavowed,  or  discouraged,  all  suggestions  of  friendly  concert  on 
points  of  common  interest,  which  the  well-known  policy  of  the 
government  had  authorized,  were  suddenly  repelled.  [Despatch 
3,  Reed  to  Cass,  Nov.  10,  1857,  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  30,  36-1,  vol.  x, 
p.  17-]  "  Despatch  34,  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  22,  35-2. 


99]  Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — China.  99 

understanding  for  the  future."^  He  said  that  the  occupation 
of  territory,  as  a  last  resort,  for  injuries  inflicted,  would  be 
far  more  humane  and  effective  than  the  destruction  of  life 
and  property  by  bombarding  forts  and  cities.  On  February 
12,  1857,  he  again  suggested  the  policy  of  taking  Formosa.'" 
He  had  just  received  a  letter  from  Gideon  Nye,  Jr.,  who, 
considering  the  character  of  the  mongrel  race  on  the  island, 
urged  that  Commodore  Armstrong  should  take  possession 
of  the  territory  and  hold  it  in  the  interests  of  humanity  and 
commerce." 

Notwithstanding  the  attempt  to  involve  the  United  States 
in  hostilities,  the  American  Government  remained  strictly 
neutral.  Secretary  Marcy  regretted  that  there  had  not  been 
more  caution  by  the  Americans  at  Canton,  and  refused  to 
entangle  the  United  States  in  a  protracted  struggle.  "  The 
British  Government,"  said  he,  "  evidently  has  objects  be- 
yond those  contemplated  by  the  United  States,  and  we 
ought  not  to  be  drawn  along  with  it,  however  anxious  it  may 
be  for  our  cooperation."  "  Considering  that  there  was  no 
obligation  resting  on  China  to  negotiate  at  Peking,  or  near 
there,  for  the  revision  of  the  treaty  of  1844,  which  she  had 
agreed  to  revise,  but  without  designating  a  place,  the 
Pierce  administration  did  not  believe  that  relations  with 
China  warranted  the  "  last  resort "  suggested  by  Parker. 
It  decided  to  increase  the  naval  force  in  Chinese  waters, 
"  but  not  for  aggressive  purposes."  " 


"^  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  22  (part  2,  p.  1083),  35-2. 

In  1856  some  urged  that  the  United  States,  keeping  up  with  Eng- 
land and  France,  should  widen  the  area  of  her  national  institu- 
tions, maintain  an  imposing  naval  force  in  Chinese  seas,  and  follow 
American  commerce  everywhere  with  a  show  of  power.  [H.  M. 
Wood:  Fankwei,  or  the  San  Jacinto  in  the  Seas  of  India,  China 
and  Japan,  N.  Y.,  1859.]         ^  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  22,  part  2,  p.  1183. 

"  Ibid.,  Exhibit  G,  p.  1204. 

*"  Instr.  China,  Marcy  to  Parker,  No.  9,  Feb.  2,  1857.  In  Sen. 
Exec.  Doc.  30,  36-1,  vol.  x,  p.  4. 

^  Instr.  China,  Marcy  to  Parker,  No.  10,  Feb.  27,  1857  [Ibid.,  p.  6]. 
In  the  following  April  Secretary  Cass  said:  "We  have  of  course 
no  political  views  connected  with  that  empire."  [To  Lord  Napier, 
Apr.  10,  1857.    In  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  47,  35-1.] 


100      American  Relations  in  the  PaciHc  and  Far  East.     [100 


tA/. 


Secretary  Cass,  under  the  Buchanan  administration,  ad- 
hered to  the  same  poUcy  of  neutrality.  In  March  he  re- 
ceived through  Lord  Napier  a  paper  (dated  January  9)  from 
Lord  Clarendon  inviting  the  United  States  to  join  the  alli- 
ance and  participate  in  hostile  movements  against  China  in 
order  to  obtain  the  following  objects: 

1.  Recognition  of  the  right  to  send  a  minister  to  Peking. 

2.  Commercial  extension  beyond  the  five  ports. 

3.  Reduction  of  tarifif  duties  levied  on  domestic  produce 
in  transit  from  the  interior. 

4.  Religious  freedom  of  all  foreigners  in  China. 

5.  An  arrangement  for  the  suppression  of  piracy." 

6.  Provision  for  the  extension  of  whatever  benefits  might 
be  obtained  to  all  other  civilized  powers  of  the  earth." 

Though  the  President  recognized  all  these  objects  as  just 
and  expedient,  and  was  sensible  of  the  liberal  policy  of  the 
allied  powers  in  disclaiming  any  intention  to  secure  exclu- 
sive commercial  advantages  for  themselves,  he  could  not 
agree  to  cooperate  in  hostile  demonstrations.  Though  he 
had  power  to  employ  naval  forces  for  defence  and  for  protec- 
tion of  American  citizens,  he  stated  that  a  military  expedi- 
tion into  Chinese  territory  could  not  be  undertaken  except 
by  Congress.  Besides,  although  he  was  determined  to  ask 
China  for  a  revision  of  the  treaty  of  1844  (which  contained 
a  clause  providing  for  revision  at  the  expiration  of  12  years) 
he  could  not  agree  that  our  relations  would  warrant  a  resort . 
to  war.  Secretary  Cass,  in  his  reply  to  Napier,  said :  "  True 
wisdom  dictates  moderation  and  discretion  in  attempts  to 
open  China  to  the  trade  of  the  world."  " 

In  May,  Mr.  William  B.  Reed  was  appointed  "  Envoy  Ex- 

"  In  1855  a  detachment  from  an  American  man-of-war  destroyed 
the  junks  and  burnt  the  depots  of  some  pirates  in  Chinese  waters. 
[Rp.  Secy,  of  Navy,  Dec.  1855.] 

*"  MS.  "  Notes  "  from  Brit.  Legation  to  the  Department,  March 
14,  1857. 

•*  Notes  from  the  Department  to  the  Brit.  Leg.,  Apr.  10,  1857. 

'"  In  July  1857,  Parker,  having  no  instructions,  decHned  the  in- 
vitation of  the  Earl  of  Elgin  to  unite  with  him  in  a  visit  to  the 


101]         Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — China.         101 

traordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  China  [to  watch 
for  an  opportunity  to  revise  treaties] ,  with  instructions  " 
based  upon  a  policy  of  peaceful  cooperation  in  efforts  to 
secure  the  objects  sought  by  the  allies."  "  But  on  your 
side,"  said  Cass,  "  efforts  must  be  confined  to  firm  repre- 
sentations, appealing  to  the  justice  and  policy  of  the  Chi- 
nese authorities,  and  [in  case  of  failure]  leaving  to  your 
own  Government  to  determine  upon  the  course  to  be 
adopted.  .  .  .  The  United  States  is  not  at  war  with  China, 
and  only  desires  lawful  commerce  "  and  the  protection  of  its 
citizens."  The  instructions  explicitly  stated  that  the  United 
States  had  no  motives  of  territorial  aggrandizement  or  ac- 
quisition of  political  power  in  China."  Recognizing  the 
potent  influence  of  commerce  alone  as  a  means  of  introduc- 
ing progressive  civilization  and  national  improvement,  Cass 
said:  "With  the  domestic  institutions  of  China  we  have 
no  political  concern."  Having  no  reason  to  believe  that 
either  of  the  contestants  in  the  Chinese  civil  war  would  be 
more  ready  than  the  other  to  extend  commercial  inter- 
course, he  directed  Reed  to  use  discretion  in  all  that  related 
to  the  internal  conflict.     To  provide  for  possible  contin- 

north  of  China.  In  August,  learning  that  Mr.  Reed  had  been  ap- 
pointed to  succeed  him,  he  returned  to  the  United  States. 

''  Instr.  China,  Cass  to  Reed,  No.  2,  May  30,  1857.  In  Senate 
Exec.  Doc.  47,  3S-I,  vol.  xii,  Apr.  20,  1858.     (9  pp.) 

"  Reed  was  instructed  that,  in  case  Russia  secured  the  reception 
of  an  accredited  minister,  there  was  no  reason  why  he  should  not 
have  the  same  friendly  relations  with  the  latter  as  with  the  Brit- 
ish and  French  representatives. 

"  American  citizens  had  not  enjoyed  "  all  the  proper  accommo- 
dations in  obtaining  homes  and  places  of  business,"  as  provided  by 
treaty.  Local  authority  had  interfered  to  prevent  Chinese  inhabi- 
tants from  granting  such  rights,  and  had  neglected  to  examine 
American  complaints  as  to  Chinese  frauds  or  debts.  They  had  not 
sufficiently  enforced  the  guarantee  of  security  for  persons  and  prop- 
erty. The  Chinese  regulations  reducing  the  true  standard  of  the 
American  coin  had  also  injured  trade. 

^*  It  was  suggested  that  Mr.  Reed,  while  watching  for  a  favor- 
able time  to  secure  revision  of  treaties,  might  even  have  an  oppor- 
tunity to  serve  as  a  medium  of  communication  between  belliger- 
ents, and  prevent  war. 


102      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [103 

gencies  the  Chinese  squadron  was  increased  and  the  move- 
ment of  forces  placed  as  far  as  possible  under  Mr.  Reed's 
control. 

Mr.  Reed,  on  reaching  China,  found  the  trade  of  all  na- 
tions suspended  by  the  blockade  of  the  Canton  river,  and 
the  imperial  authorities  still  busy  with  the  Taiping  insur- 
rection. He  soon  discovered  that  it  was  not  a  favorable 
time  to  negotiate  for  the  revision  of  treaties."  On  Novem- 
ber 17  he  wrote  to  the  tranquil  Yeh,  announcing  his  arrival 
and  requesting  an  interview.  Before  receiving  a  reply,  he 
wrote  again,  on  November  28,  stating  that  the  United 
States,  although  not  a  party  to  the  existing  hostilities,  was 
determined  to  secure  redress  for  wrongs  which  American 
citizens  had  suflfered  at  the  hands  of  Chinese  authorities — 
and  that  friendly  feeling  could  not  possibly  continue  if  China 
should  withhold  the  courtesies  of  intercourse."  On  Novem- 
ber 24,  Yeh  replied  that,  although  he  had  much  desire  for 
an  interview,  there  was  no  place  where  to  hold  it,  since  the 
British  had  burned  the  houses  near  Canton.  As  to  the 
treaty,  he  said  it  had  "  proved  satisfactory  "  and  needed  no 
alterations.  In  December,  he  again  wrote  that  the  Ameri- 
can merchants  and  citizens  having  been  treated  with  cour- 
tesy and  kindness  in  China,  could  have  no  wrongs  to  re-- 
dress."  He  expressed  confidence  that  Reed,  being  clear- 
headed, would  not  act  as  Parker,  whom  he  suggested  had 
been  recalled  for  his  conduct.  On  December  12,  Reed,  re- 
gretting that  no  opportunity  was  given  for  an  interview, 
the  result  of  which  might  be  beneficial  to  both  nations,  re- 
plied :  "  The  time  is  not  far  distant  when  your  excel- 
lency may  be  sorry  you  have  not  seen  me.  .  .  .  The  treaty 
of  1844  rnust  be  revised.  .  .  .  The  time  has  come  when  the 
United  States,  the  greatest  nation  of  the  Western  world, 

"  Message  of  President  Buchanan  Dec.  8,  1857. 

"  In  Despatch  No.  36,  Reed  to  Cass,  Dec.  15,  1857.  Sen.  Exec. 
Doc.  30,  36-1,  vol.  X,  pp.  49-53- 

"  Yeh  to  Reed,  Dec.  8,  1857.  Enclosure  in  Reed's  No.  39  to 
Cass,  Dec.  28. 


103]         Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — China.         103 

must  be  treated  on  terms  of  equality  with  China,  the  oldest 
civilized  nation  of  the  East,  and  I  have  come  in  a  concilia- 
tory spirit  to  claim  that  right."  In  response,  Yeh  wrote 
(December  i8):  "  From  this  it  is  plainly  to  be  perceived 
that  your  excellency  well  understands  the  position  of 
things,  and  the  heartfelt  regrets  which  you  express  have 
greatly  tranquillized  my  feelings.  .  .  .  The  despatches  of 
....  Parker  sometimes  had  remarks  .  .  .  not  agreeable 
and  courteous,  but  I  never  attached  much  importance  to 
them  in  my  mind.  .  .  .  Our  two  countries  are  like  two  good 
friends  ...  in  every  respect  on  the  best  of  terms."  ™  Here 
the  correspondence  ended  with  the  arrow  of  controversy 
still  in  the  quiver.  Such  skillfully  turned  phrases  and  such 
masterly  inactivity  were  difficult  to  meet  by  any  form  of 
literary  retaliation  known  to  the  Western  mind. 

The  crisis  at  Canton  was  rapidly  approaching.  By  the 
close  of  the  year  all  of  the  forts  were  taken.  Early  in  Jan- 
uary, 1858,  Reed  wrote  that  the  city  was  completely  in  the 
hands  of  the  allies.™  Yeh  had  been  captured  and  impris- 
oned on  a  war-vessel.  At  his  house  were  found  many  docu- 
ments relating  to  foreign  affairs  (including  the  original 
Cushing  treaty),  which  indicated  that  the  Foreign  Office  of 
China  had  practically  been  at  Canton  for  many  years.** 
On  February  13,  Yeh  was  sent  to  Calcutta  for  safe  keeping. 
Having  disposed  of  the  tranquil  commissioner,  the  powers 
prepared  to  urge  their  demands  upon  the  Peking  Govern- 
ment. Reed  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  vigorous 
action  was  necessary  to  secure  redress.     While  suggesting 


"  Enclosure  in  Despatch  39,  Reed  to  Cass,  Dec.  28,  1857. 

"  "  The  Western  powers,"  said  Reed,  "  must  give  up  the  dream 
of  dealing  with  China  as  a  nation  to  which  the  ordinary  rules 
apply."  [Despatches,  No.  3,  Jan.  4,  1858.  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  30, 
36-1,  vol.  X,  p.  86.] 

*"  Despatches,  No.  5,  Reed  to  Cass  (Macao,  Jan.  26,  1858).  After 
learning  more  of  these  documents,  which  reflected  the  foreign 
policy  of  the  Imperial  Government,  Reed  wrote:  "  Decisive  ac- 
tion is  necessary  with  the  officials  who  rule  this  people."  [Des- 
patches, No.  8,  Feb.  4,  1858.] 


104     American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [104 

that  the  Chinese  indebtedness  of  $800,000  to  the  United 
States  might  be  reahzed  by  treaty,  or  by  detention  from 
duties,  he  was  confident  that  the  only  sure  method  of  obtain- 
ing redress  was  peremptory  demand  enforced  by  the  block- 
ade of  ports  as  a  means  of  reprisal."  By  invitation,  he  coop- 
erated with  the  allied  powers  and  Russia  in  addressing 
communications  to  Peking.  In  his  appeal  to  China  he 
stated  that  the  United  States,  having  most  friendly  relations 
with  Russia,  France  and  Great  Britain,  and  desiring  the 
integrity  of  China  to  remain  inviolate  by  the  terms  of  re- 
dress and  peace,  was  ready  to  extend  friendly  offices.*"  In 
this  appeal  he  was  proud  to  unite,  because  he  considered  it 
"  entirely  consistent  with  the  peaceful  attitude  we  have  tried 
to  occupy  in  the  East."  ''  He  also  considered  that  under  his 
instructions  he  could  proceed  with  the  allied  fleets  to  the 
north,  and  try  the  effect  of  the  appearance  of  force  near  the 
seat  of  the  Imperial  Government.  Desiring  to  provide  for 
a  contingency  in  which  China  should  refuse  to  negotiate 
or  resort  to  evasions,  he  asked  to  be  invested  with  power  to 
resort  to  measures  of  coercion  for  securing  redress." 

The  Department  of  State  approved  Reed's  course  in  join- 
ing the  powers  in  writing  the  notes  to  the  Chinese  em- 
peror, but  stated  that  the  United  States  could  not  join  in  a 
continuation  of  coercive  measures  by  resort  to  arms — at 
least,  not  yet.** 

The  notes  to  Peking  having  failed  to  produce  the  desired 
result,  the  powers  decided  to  use  more  effective  measures 
by  an  advance  toward  the  imperial  capital.  Reed  sug- 
gested that  the  United  States  should  accompany  the  allied 
fleet  with  all  of  her  available  force,  to  show  the  Oriental 


"  Despatches,  No.  7,  Feb.  i,  1858.  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  30,  36-1,  p. 
104. 

*^  For  Reed's  letter  to  the  Chinese  Government,  see  Sen.  Exec. 
Doc.  30,  36-1,  vol.  X,  pp.  171-75. 

"  Despatches,  No.  9,  Reed  to  Cass,  Feb.  13,  1858.     Ibid.,  p.  125. 

**  The  President  had  already  asked  Congress  for  such  power. 

"  Instructions,  China,  No.  11,  Cass  to  Reed,  Apr.  28,  1858. 


105]         Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — China.         105 

mind  that  she  was  not  compelled  to  abstain  from  hostilities 
through  any  want  of  means.**  In  May,  while  preliminary 
operations  were  pending,  he  held  conferences  with  Chinese 
commissioners,  pursuing  a  course  concerning  which  Lord 
Elgin  guardedly  expressed  his  dissent  and  disapproval." 
He  sailed  with  the  allied  fleet  in  their  advance  toward  Pe- 
king, and  was  an  observer  of  the  hostilities  which  he  had 
tried  to  prevent.**  After  the  fleet  had  captured  the  Taku  forts, 
enabling  it  to  steam  up  the  Pei-ho  toward  Peking  and  com- 
pel China  to  yield  concessions,  he  secured  all  the  advantages 
which  had  been  forced  by  ball  and  bayonet.  After  several 
interviews  with  the  Chinese  commissioners  at  Tientsin,  on 
June  i8,  he  wrote:  "  I  have  to-day  signed  a  treaty."  In 
the  negotiations,  the  two  great  points  of  difficulty  were  in 
regard  to  the  permanent  residence  of  a  minister  at  Peking, 
and  the  navigation  of  the  rivers. 

The  treaty,  which  Mr.  Reed  negotiated,  renewed  the 
extra-territoriality  clause  for  consular  judicial  jurisdiction 
in  suits  against  United  States  citizens  in  China,  granted  the 
right  of  direct  correspondence  with  the  privy  council,  per- 
mitted the  minister  of  the  United  States  to  visit  and  sojourn 
at  Peking  for  the  transaction  of  business  once  each  year, 
secured  more  liberal  commercial  regulations  and  gave  access 
to  new  ports  and  to  the  interior  of  the  country."     On  No- 

"  Despatch  No.  ii,  Reed  to  Cass,  Shanghai,  Apr.  3,  1858.  A  few 
days  later,  Reed  seeing  little  chance  of  being  able  to  accomplish 
anything,  expressed  a  wish  to  return.  On  June  25  Cass  replying 
that  the  President  assented  to  his  urgent  wish,  urged  him  to  stay 
until  there  was  no  reasonable  hope  of  prompt  accommodation. 
[Instr.  China,  No.  12,  Cass  to  Reed.] 

"  Despatch  No.  17,  Reed  to  Cass,  May  15,  1858.  Sen.  Exec.  Doc. 
30,  36-1,  vol.  X,  p.  297. 

"  The  Russian  and  American  squadrons  were  given  orders  to 
abstain  from  hostilities — except  in  cases  of  extremity. 

**  On  the  treaty  and  its  effects,  see  Reed's  despatch  to  Cass,  No. 
23,  June  30,  1858.  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  30,  36-1,  pp.  351-63,  and  363-70; 
also  despatch  No.  29,  July  29,  1858.     Ibid.,  371  et  seq. 

For  further  remarks  on  the  treaty,  and  philosophic  generaliza- 
tions regarding  the  nature  of  the  Chinese  government  and  its  for- 
eign relations,  the  real  authority  in  the  political  system,  the  Chi- 


106      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [106 

vember  8,  he  negotiated  a  convention"  for  settling  the  claims 
of  American  citizens,  by  which  China  afterwards  paid  the 
United  States  $735,238.97."' 

The  English  and  French  treaties  of  1858  each  contained 
a  clause  providing  for  an  exchange  at  Peking,  and  the  en- 
voys, Sir  Frederick  Bruce  and  M.  de  Bourbillon,  refused  to 
listen  to  Chinese  officials  who  were  sent  to  Shanghai  to  dis- 
suade them  from  going  to  Peking."'"  Arriving  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Pei-ho  in  June,  1859,  they  found  the  river  obstructed 
by  improved  forts  at  Taku  and,  by  chains  which  the  Chinese 
refused  to  remove.  The  allied  fleet  of  nineteen  vessels  was 
under  the  command  of  the  English  admiral,  Hope.  Upon 
learning  of  the  obstructions  in  the  river.  Admiral  Hope 
made  an  imperative  demand  that  they  be  removed  at  once. 
This  the  Chinese  refused,  and  Bruce,  hoping  that  the  matter 
was  susceptible  of  an  amicable  adjustment,  attempted  to 
enter  into  negotiations  for  the  removal  of  the  booms  so 
that  he  might  be  permitted  to  pursue  his  journey  to  Peking. 

Almost  coincident  with  the  arrival  of  the  British  and 
French,  two  American  vessels,  under  Commander  Josiah 
Tatnall,  escorting  the  American  Minister,  John  E.  Ward, 
reached  the  waters  of  the  Pei-ho.  Ward  had  received  the 
assent  of  the  Chinese  commissioners  at  Shanghai  to  go  to 
the  imperial  capital,  and  had  resolved  to  proceed  until 
stopped  by  a  force  which  could  not  be  overcome  by  that 
under  Tatnall  by  which  he  was  escorted.     Persuaded  by 

nese  negotiations,  and  the  influence  of  the  conduct  of  foreigners, 
see  Reed's  despatch  No.  31  to  Cass,  Sept.  4,  1858.  Ibid.,  p.  429 
et  seq. 

For  illustrations  of  Chinese  polity,  and  characteristics,  see  D. 
Wells  Williams's  despatch  No.  2  to  Cass,  Jan.  28,  1859.  Ibid.,  p. 
545. 

"  Despatches,  Nos.  35  and  37,  Reed  to  Cass,  Nov.  9,  and  Nov. 
10,  1858.     Ibid.,  pp.  493-528. 

"  After  the  settlement  of  the  claims  by  a  United  States  commis- 
sion, a  surplus  remained.  In  1885  a  balance  of  $453,400.90  was  re- 
turned to  the  Chinese  minister  at  Washington. 

"  See  14  Ward  to  Cass  June  13,  1859.  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  30,  36-1, 
pp.  569-85. 


107]         Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — China.         107 

Tatnall,  on  June  25  he  boarded  an  American  chartered 
steamer,  which  passed  the  vessels  of  the  allies,  but  grounded 
on  a  mud  flat  when  within  half  a  mile  of  the  forts.  On  the 
next  day,  after  the  American  vessel  had  been  floated  out  of 
the  line  of  fire,  the  allies  began  the  attack  on  the  yellow- 
flag-crowned  Taku  forts  and  attempted  to  clear  the  river, 
but  the  Chinese,  with  more  artillery  than  had  been  sus- 
pected, opened  a  heavy  fire  which  did  serious  damage. 
Throughout  the  fight  the  American  force  was  nominally 
neutral.  But  Tatnall,  when  a  young  British  officer  in- 
formed him  that  Admiral  Hope  was  seriously  wounded,  and 
intimated  that  American  assistance  would  relieve  the  situa- 
tion, turning  to  Ward,  said:  "  I  must  either  help  Hope  or 
return  to  the  Powhatan.  I  can't  stand  here  and  see  them 
shot  to  pieces.  .  .  .  Blood  is  thicker  than  water."  He  pro- 
ceeded to  extend  his  sympathy,  and  despite  the  protests  of 
fellow-officers,  assisted  in  landing  men  from  the  allied  fleet 
to  storm  the  forts.  When  the  landing  party  was  cut  to 
pieces  he  sent  boats  to  aid  them  to  return  to  their  vessels." 
After  the  fight  made  it  evident  he  could  not  reach  Peking 
with  the  French  and  English,  Ward,  in  accordance  with 
treaty  provisions,  opened  negotiations  for  means  of  con- 
veyance overland."  In  a  yellow  cart,  he  started  toward  the 
imperial  city,  and  on  August  16,  without  force,  secured  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty.** 

•*  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  30,  pp.  585-91.     15  Ward  to  Cass,  July  4,  1859. 

•*  Ibid.,  pp.  591-94.     16  Ward  to  Cass,  July  10,  1859. 

**  Ibid.,  p.  594  et  seq.  17  Ward  to  Cass,  Aug.  20,  1859.  Ward 
landed  at  Pei-t'ang,  north  of  the  mouth  of  the  Pei-ho,  and  was 
taken  to  Peking  by  carts  and  by  boats,  over  which  floated  a  yellow 
penant  with  the  words:  "Tribute  bearer  from  the  United  States." 
The  imperial  commissioners  informed  him  that  it  was  necessary 
to  have  an  audience  with  the  emperor  before  the  treaty  could  be 
exchanged,  but  agreed  to  require  of  him  only  one-third  of  the 
usual  number  of  kneelings  (three)  and  touchings  of  the  head  on  the 
ground  (nine)  required  of  envoys.  Ward  replied  that  he  knelt 
only  to  God,  and  refused  to  bow  except  as  he  would  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  The  commissioners  then  arranged  a 
plan  for  avoiding  the  formalities,  but  the  emperor  insisted  that  he 


108      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [108 

The  Chinese  continued  to  oppose  the  treaties  after  they 
had  been  ratified,  and  endeavored  to  prevent  their  execu- 
tion."* In  i860  British  and  French  forces,  having  destroyed 
the  defences  of  the  Pei-ho  river,  took  possession  of  the  im- 
perial city  and  induced  the  opening  of  the  new  ports  of 
Nin-Chwang,  Tung-Chan,  Tai-wan  (in  Formosa),  Chan- 
Chau,  Kiang-Chau  and  (later)  Tientsin.  Russia,  taking 
occasion  to  settle  long-standing  questions,  obtained  from 
China  the  region  north  of  the  Amoor  and  a  tract  along  the 
coast  of  Manchuria  below  43°. 

Burlingame,  whom  Seward  sent  as  United  States  minister 
to  China  in  June,  1861,  with  instructions  to  lend  no  aid  or 
countenance  to  the  Taiping  rebellion,  but  to  consult  with 
English  and  French  ministers,  desired  the  treaty  powers 
to  agree  on  the  neutrality  of  China,  to  secure  order  in  the 
treaty  ports,"  give  their  moral  support  to  the  Chinese  party 
which  was  in  favor  of  order,  to  encourage  the  adoption  of 
progressive  reforms  and  make  an  effort  to  substitute  diplo- 
matic action  for  force.  His  ideas  met  with  the  approval  of 
the  representatives  of  Great  Britain,  France  and  Russia. 
Some  foreigners,  however,  advocated  alienation  of  Chinese 

must  touch  either  the  knee  or  the  fingers  to  the  ground,  and  no 
audience  was  arranged.  The  ratified  treaties  were  unceremoniously 
exchanged  at  Pei-t'ang  where  Ward  embarked  for  Shanghai. 

A.  A.  Hayes,  in  an  article  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly  for  May.  1887, 
says  that  it  has  been  our  policy  to  "  crawl  behind  the  British  guns, 
and  come  forward  at  the  end  of  war  with  our  bills  for  lost  dressing- 
gowns,  pipes,  slippers  and  peace  of  mind." 

••  While  an  Anglo-French  war  against  China  was  impending  in 
Feb.,  i860.  President  Buchanan  agreed  that  the  United  States 
should  pursue  the  same  policy  as  that  outlined  by  Russia. 

"  In  several  cases  American  naval  forces  had  aided  in  preserving 
order.  In  August,  1859,  during  a  disturbance  which  arose  among 
the  Chinese  population  at  Shanghai  on  account  of  alleged  kidnap- 
ping of  "  coolies  "  for  a  French  merchant  vessel,  Captain  Nichol- 
son, at  the  request  of  the  United  States  consul,  landed  part  of  his 
crew  of  the  Mississippi,  but  order  was  restored  and  no  collision 
occurred.  [Rp.  Secy,  of  Navy,  Dec,  1859.]  In  June,  i860,  during 
a  fight  between  the  Canton  Chinchew  men,  Commander  Berrien, 
at  request  of  Consul  Gouverneur,  sent  an  armed  boat  to  protect 
American  residents. 


109]         Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — C/tina.         109 

territory  at  the  principal  treaty  ports  and  exclusive  jurisdic- 
tion by  England;  and  others,  though  well-meaning,  excited   « 
the  opposition  of  the  Chinese  by  pressing  the  question  of    \ 
constructing  railways  and  telegraphs. 

In  1868,  BurHngame,  as  minister  plenipotentiary  of 
China,  negotiated  a  treaty  with  the  United  States  favoring 
the  territorial  integrity  of  the  empire,  exempting  persons 
from  persecution  for  religious  faith,  acknowledging  the 
right  of  voluntary  emigration,*"  and  confirming  the  previous 
consular  jurisdiction.  Though  Secretary  Fish  thought  the 
United  States  should  have  additional  concessions,  and  that 
there  should  be  a  moderation  of  the  restrictions  which  fet- 
tered commerce,  he  had  no  desire  to  embarrass  the  Chinese 
Government." 

In  her  subsequent  relations  with  China  the  United  States  \ 
has  continued  to  be  non-aggressive,  modest  and  friendly. 
She  has  continued  to  adhere  to  a  policy  of  cooperation  with   1 
the  other  powers  upon  the  principle  of  native  independence, 
an  open  door,  and  equality  of  opportunity  for  all  the  powers 
concerned.     Notwithstanding  her  Chinese  exclusion  laws, 


"  The  United  States  had  aided  China  to  suppress  the  Coolie 
trade,  but  had  found  it  very  difficult  to  prevent  the  emigration  of 
Chinese  under  false  pretences,  so  long  as  they  were  prohibited  from 
leaving  the  country  freely.     [See  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  22,  35-2,  p.  657.] 

°*  In  1870  President  Grant  concurred  with  the  opinion  of  Ger- 
many that  the  combined  action  of  the  powers  should  end  piracy  in 
Chinese  waters.  In  1871,  when  there  were  unsettled  questions 
growing  out  of  Chinese  opposition  to  Christianity,  some  urged 
measures  that  would  teach  China  a  lesson  which  she  would  long 
remember.  In  1867-69  there  had  been  local  outrages  against  for- 
eigners. A  crisis  was  reached  by  the  massacre  at  Tientsin. 
France  asked  redress.  China  prevaricated  and  delayed,  then 
promised  to  pay  an  indemnity,  and  finally  refused  to  pay,  de- 
manded the  abolition  of  schools  for  the  education  of  females,  and 
insisted  that  males  should  not  be  taught  doctrines  opposed  to 
those  of  Confucius.  She  also  desired  to  consider  missionaries  as 
Chinese  subjects,  and  to  prevent  the  access  of  women  to  the  em- 
pire in  that  capacity.  The  Nation  (Aug.  17,  1871)  urged  that  the 
United  States,  though  not  engaged  in  religious  propagandism, 
should  not  hesitate  to  use  force,  or  to  unite  with  other  powers,  if 
necessary,  to  induce  China  to  recede  from  her  position. 


110      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [110 

^n|  she  has  always  stood  well  at  Peking.  Her  efforts  in  be- 
half of  an  open  door  are  regarded  as  distinctly  in  the 
interest  of  the  integrity  of  the  Chinese  Empire.  Her  influ- 
ence in  the  Orient  has  been  greatly  increased  by  the  occu- 
pation and  acquisition  of  the  Philippines.  In  case  the  other 
powers,  by  their  rivalry  and  spheres  of  influence  in  China, 
should  attempt  a  policy  of  partition,  she  probably  would 
not  allow  treaty  rights  and  general  interests  to  be  sacrificed 
to  such  schemes  of  aggrandizement.  She  might  even  call 
in  the  Monroe  doctrine  in  defence  of  her  course. 
V  .X  X  Secretary  Hay,  on  entering  upon  the  duties  of  Secretary 
^  of  State,  saw  that  the  inevitable  retention  of  the  Philippines 
would  enable  the  United  States  to  secure  her  policy  in 
China  and  the  East.  After  signing  the  treaty  of  Paris,  he 
took  steps  to  obtain  from  foreign  powers,  having  "  spheres 
of  influence  "  in  China,  a  recognition  of  our  treaty  rights 
to  an  open  door.  Some  of  the  powers  intimated  that  instead 
of  a  written  assurance  they  would  allow  the  United  States 
a  "  sphere  of  influence,"  but  Hay  refused  to  participate  in 
the  partition  policy.  While  avoiding  an  alliance  with 
England  or  a  treaty  with  any  of  the  powers  respecting  a 
policy  in  China,  he  has  insisted  that  the  foreign  powers, 
by  treaties  with  each  other  and  with  China,  should  give  a 
written  guarantee  of  an  open  door. 

In  the  recent  Chinese  crisis,  while  cooperating  with  the 
allies  in  the  advance  against  Peking,  to  protect  the  foreign 
"  legations,  the  United  States  has  had  no  territorial  designs. 
VShe  desires  an  open  door  to  the  trade  of  all  China,  and  not 
a  restricted  sphere  of  influence  over  any  part  of  it.  She 
consistently  strives  for  the  larger  field  of  commercial  oppor- 
tunity unlimited  by  territorial  boundaries.  If,  through  her 
prestige  as  a  territorially  disinterested  power,  she  can  pre- 
vent partition,  restore  peace  to  the  Empire,  and  be  assured 
of  the  protection  of  American  rights  and  lives,  she  will  have 
the  reward  or  compensation  which  comes  from  the  per- 
formance of  duty  by  a  necessary  activity  which  has  left  our 
traditions  unendangereda^ 


Ill]         Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — Corea.         Ill 

Corea."" — Corea,  with  a  policy  of  exclusion  and  inclu- 
sion, remained  for  ages  in  a  state  of  seclusion.  About  the 
beginning  of  1868,  Frederick  Jenkins,  an  American,  who 
had  served  as  interpreter  at  the  United  States  consulate 
at  Shanghai,  sailed  to  Corea  on  the  General  Sherman  with 
an  expedition  which  he  had  organized  to  rob  the  tombs  of 
the  deceased  Corean  sovereigns  as  a  means  of  securing  a 
ransom.  The  conduct  of  some  of  the  crew  on  landing 
excited  the  Coreans  to  kill  eight  of  them  and  destroy  their 
vessel.  The  Corean  Government,  desiring  to  explain  the 
circumstances  connected  with  the  affair,  and  contemplating 
the  expediency  of  securing  a  treaty  of  friendship  and  com- 
merce, in  April,  1868,  sent  commissioners  to  Mr.  Seward, 
the  United  States  consul-general  at  Shanghai,  for  consulta- 
tion. 

After  considerable  correspondence,  and  with  the  assur- 
ance from  the  Peking  Government  that  Corea's  tributai*y 
relation  to  China  did  not  prevent  her  from  making  treaties, 
F.  F.  Low,  United  States  Minister  to  China,  accompanied 
by  Mr.  Seward  and  Rear-Admiral  Rodgers,  with  a  squadron 
of  five  vessels,  went  to  Corea  in  April,  1 871,  by  instructions 
from  Washington,  and  made  an  attempt  to  negotiate  a  con- 
vention securing  rescue  and  protection  to  our  shipwrecked 
mariners  and  property."'  They  arrived  in  the  Salu  river 
April  25,  and  on  May  29,  in  a  friendly  manner,  informed  the 
officials  of  their  purpose  to  continue  up  the  river  to  make 
surveys.  The  officials  made  no  objection  to  the  surveys, 
but  said  the  king  was  averse  to  making  treaties.  On  June  i 
several  surveying  vessels  were  fired  upon  from  forts,  which 
they  soon  silenced.  The  Coreans  stubbornly  refusing  to 
offer  an  apology,  on  June  10  an  expedition  of  nearly  1000 
men,  sent  to  avenge  the  insult,  destroyed  forts  and  batteries 
and  killed  253  Coreans,  who  were  then  glad  to  fall  back. 

""W.  E.  Griffis:    Corea:  the  hermit  nation.     1882. 

'"  President's  Message  of  Dec.  1871,  and  accompanying  docu- 
ments. 

"'  Pamphlet  at  Navy  Department,  on  "  Expedition  to  Corea, 
1871." 


^ 


113      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [113 

Before  leaving,  Low  made  another  attempt  to  open  nego- 
tiations with  the  Government,  but  the  letter  to  the  king  was 
returned  unopened,  and  he  was  informed  that  no  one  dare 
convey  his  letter  to  Seoul.  Rodgers,  after  further  efforts 
appeared  useless,  went  to  Chefoo  to  await  orders  from  the 
United  States,  Though  the  expedition  had  only  contem- 
plated peaceful  negotiations,  some  hoped  the  powers  would 
take  united  action  against  this  warlike  people;  but  the  Wash- 
ington Government,  seeing  no  hope  of  accomplishing  any- 
thing without  a  display  of  force,  decided  to  postpone  further 
negotiations. 

After  the  bloodless  revolution  of  1874,  which  deposed  a 
tyrannical  usurping  ruler,  the  Coreans  became  more  inter- 
ested in  foreign  nations  and  better  acquainted  with  their 
policies;  and,  after  a  war  with  Japan,  which  opened  several 
ports  to  Japanese  commerce,  notwithstanding  ancient  laws, 
they  began  to  visit  other  countries.  Secretary  FreHng- 
huysen,  seeing  favorable  conditions  for  renewing  negotia- 
tions, and  considering  that  the  independence  of  Corea  was 
regarded  as  established,  resolved  again  to  make  an  effort 
to  obtain  a  treaty  with  the  land  of  the  Morning  Calm,  and 
intrusted  the  delicate  mission  to  Admiral  Shufeldt,  who,  on 
May  22,  1882,  concluded  a  treaty  securing  the  opening  of 
certain  ports  to  our  commerce,  aid  and  protection  to  our 
vessels  and  seamen,  and  safety  to  our  citizens  while  in 
Corea.  Lucius  H.  Foote,  who,  in  May,  1883,  became  the 
first  United  States  minister  to  Corea,  made  a  favorable  im- 
pression as  to  the  friendly  purposes  of  the  American  gov- 
ernment, and  relations  since  have  been  cordial  and  har- 
monious. 

For  2000  years  Corea  has  had  a  government  based  on 
the  spoils  system.  In  the  almost  thirty  centuries  during 
which  she  has  patiently  played  a  negative  part,  trying  to 
steer  between  the  Scylla  of  China  and  the  Charybdis  of 
I  Japan,  she  has  been  buried  beneath  a  mass  of  worn-out, 
lalien  (Chinese)  ideals — legal,  religious  and  social — which 
have  almost  crushed  her  spontaneity.     She  cannot  be  ex- 


113]        Unlocking  the  Gates  of  the  Orient — Corea.  113 

humed,  disinterred,  and  reclaimed  without  a  process  of 
education.  In  the  riot  of  December,  1884,  some  of  the  lib- 
erals inaugurated  a  hurricane  of  reform  which  lasted  for 
forty-eight  hours,  but  they  failed  in  the  attempt  to  condense 
centuries  of  evolution  into  a  few  hours/"*  The  need  of 
reforms  in  the  administration  and  finances  of  Corea  fur- 
nished an  occasion  for  the  events  which  caused  the  recent 
Chino- Japanese  war,  since  which  a  reaction  has  largely 
transferred  to  Russia  the  influence  previously  exerted  by 
Japan  in  Corea;  but  Japan  expects  to  be  a  dominant  force 
in  guiding  the  destiny  of  both  Corea  and  China.  _/ 

"•Foreign  Relations,  1885.     Percival  Lowell:    "The  coup  d'etat 
in  Corea."     Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  Iviii,  1886. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
AMERICANIZATION  OF  HAWAII. 

y  The  interests  which  the  United  States  suddenly  acquired 
in  California,  the  development  of  Oregon,  and  the  prospects 
of  closer  communication  with  Asia,  increased  the  import- 
ance of  the  earlier  American  policy  to  prevent  foreign  colo- 
nization or  control  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  where  Ameri- 
can elements  had  predominated  from  the  earliest  days  of 
foreign  interests  there,  and  led  the  American  Government 
to  contemplate  the  annexation  of  the  islands  as  a  possible 
contingency  necessary  to  American  interests. 

American  influence  in  the  islands  was  considerable  by 
1820.  In  March  of  that  year,  missionaries  from  Boston 
arrived  in  the  Thaddeus  to  begin  their  religious  and  hu- 
manitarian work,  and  in  the  following  September  President 
Monroe  appointed  John  C.  Jones  as  United  States  agent, 
for  commerce  and  seamen  at  Hawaii,  to  make  reports  to  the 
Department  of  State.  The  missionaries  were  hospitably 
received  and  found  conditions  favorable  for  their  labors. 
Kamehameha  I.,  the  "  Napoleon  of  the  Pacific,"  who,  by 
1795,  had  practically  asserted  his  control  over  all  the 
septinsular  kingdom,  had  died  in  1819,  leaving  a  consoli- 
dated kingdom  to  his  son  Liholiho,  who  succeeded  him  as 
Kamehameha  II.  The  will  of  the  chief  was  still  almost 
absolute.  There  had  not  yet  developed  a  code  of  laws,  or 
government  regulations,  courts  of  justice,  or  the  acknowl- 
edged right  of  persons  to  own  property.  Neither  was  there 
yet  a  written  or  systematized  language.  But  the  people 
were  preparing  to  be  transformed  by  the  institutions  of 
civilization.  Under  the  influence  of  foreigners,  they  be- 
came infidels  to  the  old  religion.      After  disobeying  old 


115]  The  Americanization  of  Hawaii.  115 

religious  rites  they  found  that  their  health  was  as  good  as 
before.  Under  Liholiho,  "  tabu  "  and  idolatry  were  abol- 
ished by  law/ 

The  missionaries,  who  soon  exerted  considerable  influence 
with  the  native  government,  were  opposed  by  foreigners, 
who  finally  led  the  king  into  dissipation  and  debts  which 
caused  him  to  increase  taxes.  Richard  Charlton,  the 
British  consul-general  at  Hawaii,  was  accused  of  placing 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  lawless  and  depraved  class  of  for- 
eigners, and  trying  to  induce  the  chiefs' to  make  no  laws  with- 
out the  approval  of  the  British  Government."  He  showed 
an  open  antagonism  to  the  American  missionaries  and 
American  influence  on  the  islands,  tried  to  organize  the  dis- 
cordant elements  into  an  anti-missionary  party,  and,  later, 
he  favored  the  introduction  of  a  rival  religion  by  French 
Catholic  priests,  who  were  appointed  by  the  Pope  in  1826. 
The  Hawaiian  Government  remained  friendly  to  the  Prot- 
estant missionaries,  and  in  April,  1831,  issued  a  decree  ban- 
ishing the  Jesuits;  it  was  inclined  to  persecute  those  who 
had  embraced  the  Roman  faith,  though  the  severity  of  the 
persecution  was  lessened  by  a  visit  of  the  Potontac  in  1832.' 

Toward  the  close  of  1832  political  troubles  increased.  The 


^J.  J.  Jarvis:     History  of  the  Sandwich  Islands. 

*  In  1823  Liholiho,  suspecting  Russia  of  having  designs,  decided 
to  ask  England  and  the  United  States  for  protection  and  visited 
London,  where  he  died,  and  from  whence  his  remains  were  con- 
veyed to  Honolulu  in  the  Blonde  under  the  command  of  Lord 
Byron.  [G.  A.  Byron:  Voyage  of  the  Bloftde  to  the  Sandwich 
Islands,  1824-5.  London,  1826.]  George  IV.  promised  protec- 
tion against  foreign  aggression.  British  influence  had  long  be- 
fore shown  itself.  In  February,  1793,  Vancouver,  returned  to  the 
islands  and  endeavored  to  secure  an  end  to  the  internal  dissensions 
that  were  reducing  the  population.  A  year  later,  a  meeting  of  the 
great  chiefs  decided  to  cede  Hawaii  to  England  as  a  protectorate, 
and  Mr.  Puget  went  ashore,  hoisted  the  British  colors  and  took 
possession. 

*  About  the  same  time  a  writer  in  the  London  Metropolitan 
Magazine  proposed  that  the  British  Government  should  take  pos- 
session of  the  islands  as  a  matter  of  expediency.  [J.  N.  Reynolds: 
Voyage  of  the  Potomac,  p.  416.] 


116      American  Relatiotis  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [116 

young  King  Kamehameha  III.,  partly  through  the  influence 
of  Charlton,  had  thrown  off  the  restraints  of  his  elders  and 
abandoned  himself  to  dissipation  and  debauchery.  He  asso- 
ciated with  the  licentious,  and  delegated  his  royal  power  to 
Kaomi,  an  unprincipled  Tahitian.  Shameless  dances  were 
revived,  family  ties  were  sundered,  and  drunkenness  ruled. 
Kinau,  the  eldest  sister  of  Kamehameha  I.,  stood  for  de- 
cency, but  she  could  not  obtain  the  ear  of  the  king.* 

In  July,  1839,  Captain  Laplace,  of  the  French  frigate 
Artemise,  forced  Kamehameha  III.  to  allow  the  return  of 
the  priests,  the  entire  freedom  of  Catholic  worship,  and  the 
introduction  of  intoxicating  liquors  into  the  islands.  Many 
priests  now  came,  and  trouble  soon  arose  between  them 
and  the  Protestants.  French  and  English  grievances  con- 
tinued. 

In  1842  a  French  vessel  arrived  with  new  demands,  to 
which  the  king  replied  that  he  had  sent  an  embassy  to 
France  to  negotiate  a  treaty.  The  English  consul,  Charl- 
ton, also  presented  a  list  of  grievances,"  causing  the  king 
(July,  1842)  to  ask  for  his  removal  and  to  send  a  communi- 
cation to  the  United  States,  England  and  France  to  nego- 
tiate new  treaties  and  obtain  a  guarantee  of  independence 
and  neutrality. 

A  Notwithstanding  the  reports  of  progress  in  the  islands 
^d  the  increase  of  American  interests  there,  the  United 
States  sought  no  exclusive  control  or  advantage,  but  de- 
sired that  American  rights  should  be  respected  and  guarded. 
Webster,  in  his  reply  to  the  Hawaiian  commissioners,  stated 
that  the  government  of  Hawaii  should  not  be  an  object  of 
interference  by  foreign  powers,'  but  advised  them  to  begin 
diplomatic  operations  in  England. 

*  Laura  Fish  Judd:    Honolulu,  etc.,  1828-61.     N.  Y.,  1880. 

*  Charlton  had  a  title  to  some  Hawaiian  lands,  and  claimed  the 
right  to  transfer  it,  but  the  courts  of  Hawaii  decided  against  him 
and  attached  his  land.  Though  the  Government  made  no  attempt  to 
eject  him  from  the  lands,  he  claimed  that  his  rights  had  been  in- 
fringed, and  complained  to  the  British  Government. 

*  Wilkes,  who  visited  the  islands  on  his  exploring  expedition, 
said:    "  Fortunately  for  the  Sandwich  Islands  they  have  no  port 


117]  The  Americanization  of  Hawaii.  117 

Desiring  to  defeat  the  objects  of  the  embassy,  Charlton 
secretly  went  to  England,  leaving  a  hostile  deputy,  Simp- 
son, whom  the  king  refused  to  recognize  until  he  was  forced 
to  do  so  by  Lord  George  Paulet,  of  the  British  navy,  who 
arrived  February  lo,  1843,  threatened  the  authorities,  took 
possession  of  the  islands  under  the  British  flag,^  seized  all 
lands  claimed  by  Charlton,  abrogated  laws  against  vice, 
and  raised  an  army  of  natives.  The  king,  after  executing 
the  forced  cession,  wrote  President  Tyler,  protesting  and 
asking  the  United  States  to  interpose. 

The  United  States,  when  informed  of  this  aflFair  by  the 
communication  from  the  Hawaiian  king,  declared  that  no  Ai( 
power  ought  to  take  possession  of  the  islands  either  as  a 
conquest  or  for  colonization.*  She  took  steps,  through 
Everett,  to  notify  England  that  the  United  States  would 
regret  if  England  or  France  should  adopt  any  other  than  a 
pacific,  just  and  conservative  course  toward  Hawaii.  The 
attitude  of  the  United  States  doubtless  influenced  England 
and  France  to  recognize  Hawaiian  independence  and  (No- 
vember 28,  1845)  to  enter  into  a  joint  declaration  agreeing 
never  to  take  possession  even  under  a  protectorate.  Eng- 
land promised  to  remove  Charlton,  and  a  few  years  later 
France  restored  $20,000  that  had  been  extorted  by  the 
French  captain  in  1839. 

that  is  defensible  against  a  strong  naval  force,  and  therefore  their 
importance  will  be  comparatively  small  in  a  political  point  of  view. 
No  foreign  power,  in  fact,  could  well  hold  them  without  great  ex- 
pense and  difficulty.  .  .  .  They  will  no  doubt  be  left  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  their  neutrality.  ...  It  is  the  interest  of  the  United  States 
that  they  should  maintain  the  neutrality  that  they  seek  to  estab- 
lish." [C.  Wilkes:  Voyage  Around  the  World,  1838-43.  N.  Y., 
1851.] 

'  In  July,  however,  the  British  admiral,  Thomas,  arriving,  dis- 
approved the  acts  of  his  ambitious  subordinate,  refused  to  accept 
the  cession  of  the  islands,  and  proceeded  to  restore  the  king. 
Although  France  had  recently  seized  the  Marquesas,  the  British 
Government  disavowed  the  seizure  and  cession  of  Hawaii. 

'  On  June  13,  1843,  Legare  wrote  Everett  that  the  United  States 
might  feel  justified  in  interfering  by  force  to  prevent  Hawaii  fall- 
ing, by  conquest,  into  the  hands  of  one  of  the  great  powers  of 
Europe, 


118      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [118 

In  March,  1843,  the  United  States  Government,  feeling 
the  need  of  a  competent  medium  of  communication  and  of 
closer  and  more  friendly  relations,  appointed  George  Brown, 
of  Massachusetts,  as  a  diplomatic  official.  The  latter  was 
well  received,  but  soon  had  occasion  to  insist  that  Americans 
accused  of  crime  should  have  the  right  of  trial  by  a  jury 
composed  entirely  of  foreigners,  and  to  protest  that  the 
British  treaty  of  February,  1844,  discriminated  against  the 
United  States.  He  was  recalled  at  the  request  of  the  Ha- 
waiian king.  Mr.  A.  Ten  Eyck,  who  succeeded  him  in 
1846,  with  instructions  to  make  a  treaty,  continued  to  in- 
sist upon  the  right  of  trial  by  a  jury  of  foreigners  until,  in 
1848,  feeling  that  relations  were  on  the  point  of  rupture, 
and  that  President  Polk  had  neglected  him,  he  resigned, 
and  was  succeeded  by  Charles  Eames.  Before  the  latter 
reached  Hawaii,  Mr.  J.  J.  Jarvis  and  Secretary  Qayton,  at 
Washington,  had  concluded  a  treaty  of  friendship,  com- 
merce, navigation  and  extradition  (December  20,  1849), 
which  was  ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate  the  following 
February,  exchanged  in  August  and  proclaimed  in  No- 
vember.* 

Foreign  consular  and  diplomatic  representatives  con- 
tinued to  threaten  interference  with  internal  affairs  of 
Hawaii.  England  revived  old  claims.  The  French  consul 
reopened  old  disputes  and  presented  new  ones,  causing  the 
king  to  ask  his  recall.  In  August,  1849,  a  French  frigate 
arrived  to  support  the  demands  of  the  consul.  Against  the 
urgent  protests  of  English  and  American  consuls,  a  French 
force,  under  pretext  that  provisions  of  the  French-Hawaiian 
treaty  had  been  broken,  seized  buildings,  destroyed  prop- 
erty, blockaded  the  harbor  and  took  the  king's  yacht.  The 
admiral  had  notified  the  United  States  consul,  Turrell,  that 
the  French  desired  only  reparation,  and  had  no  designs 


•Andrew  H.  Allen:  Relations  between  the  United  States  and 
the  Hawaiian  Islands  1820-93.  [Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  77,  52-2,  Feb.  17, 
1893] 


119]  The  Americanization  of  Hawaii.  119 

for  occupation  or  protectorate,  and  he  had  neither  lowered 
the  Hawaiian  flag  nor  raised  that  of  France.  The  king, 
through  Turrell,  again  invoked  the  good  offices  of  the 
United  States  to  maintain  his  sovereignty,  and  sent  J.  J. 
Jarvis  as  special  commissioner  to  procure  the  friendly 
mediation  of  President  Fillmore.  Secretary  Clayton,  un- 
certain whether  France  would  adopt  the  same  policy  with 
Hawaii  as  with  Tahiti,  wrote  Rives  at  Paris  that,  although  j^ 
the  Hawaiian  Islands  were  not  coveted  by  the  United  States, 
their  relations  were  such  that  the  United  States  could  never 
with  indifference  allow  them  to  pass  under  the  dominion  or 
exclusive  control  of  any  other  power.  Later,  the  French 
Government  disavowed  the  action  of  its  admiral,  but  on 
learning  that  a  commission  had  gone  to  the  United  States 
and  England  to  make  new  treaties,  sent  out  a  counter  com- 
mission to  renew  the  old  demands.  A  French  vessel  arrived 
December  13,  1850,  and  remained  three  months  to  harass 
and  interfere. 


In  March,  185 1,  Severance  wrote  Webster  that  the  popu- 
lar representative  body  recently  elected  by  the  native  votes, 
and  also  the  executive  and  judiciary,  were  composed  largely 
of  natives  of  the  United  States;  that  the  king  and  his  gov- 
ernment, fearing  France,  were  privately  considering  the  sub- 
ject of  annexation  to  the  United  States,  and  that  a  United 
States  ship-of-war  should  be  present  to  prevent  the  fear  of 
disturbances  which  had  operated  to  injure  American  com- 
merce, immigration  and  land-purchases.  He  said  that- 
the  Americans  who  had  opposed  the  government  and  the 
missionaries,  on  account  of  laws  against  licentiousness  and 
drunkenness,  were  decreasing  in  number,  and  would  join 
the  missionaries  in  rallying  under  the  United  States  flag 
should  it  once  be  raised.  Judging  from  foreign  relations 
and  the  precarious  state  of  the  king's  health,  he  was  uncer- 
tain whether  the  native  government  could  last  long.  See- 
ing the  value  of  Hawaii,  with  her  public  lands  and  no  public 


120     American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [120 

debt,  and  with  proposed  steam  communication  with  San 
Francisco,  which  could  be  connected  with  Washington  by 
telegraph,  he  hoped  that  Webster  would  not  object  to  a 
political  connection  on  account  of  distance. 

On  March  lo,  1851,  the  king  and  privy  council  of  Hawaii 
issued  a  proclamation  placing  Hawaii  under  the  protection 
of  the  United  States,  and  on  June  21  the  provisional  ces- 
sion was  adopted  by  both  Houses  of  the  Hawaiian  Par- 
liament. Webster,  however,  on  July  14,  directed  Severance 
to  return  the  deed  to  the  Hawaiian  Government.  He  still 
advocated  the  past  policy  of  favoring  the  independence  of 
the  islands,  at  least  until  pressed  by  some  necessity  in  which 
events  should  occur  to  give  the  subject  a  new  aspect  and 
an  increased  importance.  Referring  to  Americans  who 
were  settling  in  Hawaii,  he  informed  Severance  that  they 
thereby  ceased  to  be  citizens  of  the  United  States,  saying: 
"  You  will,  therefore,  not  encourage  in  them,  nor  indeed  in 
any  others,  any  idea  or  expectation  that  the  islands  will  be- 
come annexed  to  the  United  States.  All  this  will  be  judged 
of  hereafter  as  circumstances  and  events  may  require  by  the 
.  government  at  Washington."  The  United  States,  however, 
faithful  to  its  original  assurances,  scrupulously  regarded 
the  independence  of  the  islands  and  was  unwilling  to  con- 
sent that  European  powers  should  occupy  them  or  en- 
force unjust  demands  inconsistent  with  their  independence. 
The  Navy  Department  received  instructions  to  keep  the 
Pacific  armament  in  a  position  requisite  for  the  preservation 
of  the  honor  and  dignity  of  the  United  States  and  the  safety 
of  the  government  of  Hawaii. 

France,  checked  in  her  plans,  expressed  surprise  at  the 
American  attitude,  and  disclaimed  any  intention  of  im- 
proper interference,  or  of  assuming  sovereignty  in  the 
islands. 

The  increasing  American  influence  in  Hawaii "  excited 

"  Feeling  that  the  United  States  had  become  an  arbiter  in  the 
aflFairs  of  the  Pacific,  a  writer  in  De  Bow's  Magazine,  in  November, 
1852,  asked  whether  Hawaii,  who  requested  our  protection,  was 
not  as  necessary  to  the  United  States  as  Cuba. 


121]  The  Americanization  of  Hawaii.  121 

the  jealousy  of  both  France  and  England.  In  September, 
1853,  Secretary  Marcy,  while  disclaiming  any  intention  of 
the  United  States  to  exercise  exclusive  control,  indicated 
that  she  would  not  allow  other  powers  to  exact  special  polit- 
ical or  commercial  privileges,  or  to  establish  a  protectorate 
over  the  islands."  In  the  following  December,  while  hop- 
ing to  acquire  Lower  California,  he  informed  the  American 
minister  to  France  that  the  existing  condition  of  the  islands 
made  it  appear  inevitable  that  they  must  come  under  the 
control  of  the  United  States.  Sailor  riots,  filibustering  ex- 
peditions from  California  and  internal  strife  and  the  de- 
mands and  threats  of  the  British  and  French  had  caused 
a  rising  annexation  sentiment  at  Honolulu. 

Being  informed  that  the  British  and  French  would 
forcibly  resist  a  transfer  of  the  islands  to  the  United  States," 
Marcy  (December  16)  instructed  Mr.  Mason,  at  Paris,  to 
sound  the  French  Government  upon  its  policy  or  views. 
Feeling  that  the  Hawaiian  Islands  could  not  long  remain 
under  the  existing  rulers,  or  under  the  control  of  the  inhab- 
itants, and  that  their  geographical  position  and  their  con- 
nection with  Pacific  industries  in  which  American  interests 
were  paramount"  would  inevitably  result  in  their  control 
by  the  United  States  Government,  he  urged  that  it  would 
be  fair  for  England  and  France  to  acquiesce  in  any  transfer 
made  to  the  United  States  by  fair  means. 

While  the  United  States  had  long  expressed  her  policy 
of  maintaining  the  independence  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands, 
she  had  never  entered  into  any  international   agreement 
which  would  prevent  her  from  negotiating  a  treaty  of  an-  ]/ 
nexation  with  the  Hawaiian  Government.     She  was  free  to  j 
encourage    any    movement    originating    in    Hawaii."     In 

"  Instr.  Hawaii,  Sept.  22.    Marcy  to  Gregg. 

"  He  also  had  an  intimation  that  Russia  had  an  eye  on  the 
islands,  but  had  little  fear  of  interference  from  that  quarter. 

"650  vessels  were  at  this  time  engaged  in  whaling,  and  mostly 
in  the  Pacific. 

"  Washburn  of  Me.,  on  Jan.  4,  1854,  made  a  speech  in  Congress, 
in  which  he  favored  expansion  to  include  Hawaii.  29  Con.  Globe, 
33-1,  Appendix,  pp.  55-59. 


122      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [122 

February,  1854,  Marcy  received  a  letter  from  Minister 
Gregg  stating  that  the  king,  fearing  his  inability  to  main- 
tain the  independence  of  the  islands,  had  made  advances 
indicating  that  he  might  offer  to  transfer  the  sovereignty 
to  the  United  States.  On  April  4  he  authorized  Gregg, 
whenever  the  emergency  should  arise,  to  negotiate  for  a 
complete  transfer  of  the  islands  to  the  United  States  as  a 
territorial  possession,  and  suggested  that  $100,000  might 
^  be  given  to  the  chiefs  as  compensation  for  losses  which  they 
would  sustain. 

Negotiations  were  opened  with  the  Hawaiian  authorities, 
who  soon  showed  an  "  inveterate  prejudice  against  a  terri- 
torial form  of  government,"  and,  after  approving  a  form  of 
treaty,  secured  delay  by  urging  the  necessity  of  consulting 
the  king,  who  was  ill."  Gregg,  fearing  a  crisis,  desired 
prompt  negotiations  and  immediate  transfer,  believing  that 
after  the  cession,  provisional  or  permanent,  was  once  made 
the  flood  of  emigration  from  California  would  soon  follow 
the  raising  of  the  American  flag,  Americanize  the  islands, 
and  check  future  British  and  French  pretensions. 

In  September  the  king  seemed  satisfied  with  the  proposed 
form  of  treaty,  but  the  British "  and  French  consuls  at 
Honolulu  protested,  and  the  admirals  of  a  combined  British 
and  French  squadron  warned  the  king  that  a  cession  to  the 
\^  United  States  would  lead  to  difficulty.  The  king  proceeded 
with  the  negotiations,  but  insisted  until  he  obtained  clauses 
securing  additional  compensation,  and  providing  that  the 
islands  should  be  admitted  as  a  State  of  the  Union."    On 


"  Gregg  to  Marcy,  Aug.  7,  1854. 

"  Gregg  said  that  publications  in  the  New  York  Tribune  of 
July  20,  unfortunately  aided  the  British  in  their  attempts  to  preju- 
dice the  Hawaiians  against  the  American  policy  of  Marcy  and 
Gregg.     (September  15,  1854.) 

"  Marcy  felt  that  the  Senate  would  never  approve  the  clause 
providing  for  statehood  in  the  Union;  but,  on  January  31,  1855,  he 
instructed  Gregg  that  the  United  States  Government  was  willing 
to  receive  the  transfer  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  islands  with  all 
provisions  as  to  the  rights  of  the  inhabitants,  and  would  desire 
their  prosperity. 


133]  The  Americanization  of  Hawaii.  123 

September  i8,  General  Miller,  the  British  consul-general, 
strongly   deprecating  annexation,   urged   the   king   not   to 
execute  the  treaty/'    The  latter  remained  friendly  to  the 
United  States,  but  died  (December  15)  while  negotiations     i. 
for  the  final  execution  of  the  treaty  were  still  pending. 

Kamehameha  IV.,  who  became  king  on  January  11,  1855, 
became  opposed  to  the  completion  of  the  treaty,  and  was  j/ 
probably  influenced  by  the  English  relationship  of  Emma 
Rooke,  who,  in  1856,  became  Queen  Emma.  In  1855  ^^ 
participated  in  the  negotiations  of  a  treaty  of  reciprocity 
which  the  United  States  afterwards  failed  to  ratify.  Until 
his  death  (November,  1863)  he  remained  strongly  predis- 
posed to  fkvor  the  British  in  preference  to  the  Americans. 
The  latter  began  to  suspect  that  British  diplomacy  was  pre- 
paring Hawaii  for  a  British  regency  at  the  death  of  the  king, 
with  the  intention  of  making  it  a  cotton-growing  colony. 

Notwithstanding  the  decline  of  the  whale  fisheries  after 
1854,  and  the  growing  influence  of  the  British  with  the 
Hawaiian  royal  family,  American  influence  in  the  islands 
was  kept  alive  through  the  channels  of  industry.  In  1857 
more  than  one-half  the  imports  at  Honolulu  were  from  the 
United  States.  In  1863,  four-fifths  of  the  commerce  con-  y 
nected  with  the  islands  was  American.  Interest  was  in- 
creased by  the  rise  of  the  sugar  industry  "  which,  at  the  close 
of  the  American  civil  war,  became  the  basis  for  the  agitation 
of  a  treaty  of  reciprocity  with  the  United  States. 

On  October  9,  1863,  Minister  McBride,  commenting  upon 
the  extensive  American  commercial  and  sugar  interests  in 
the  islands,  wrote  Seward  that  their  control  by  the  United 
States  Government  would  be  "  far  more  valuable  than  the 
ownership  of  both  Cuba  and  the  Bahama  Islands."  His 
successor,  Edward  M.  McCook,  on  September  3,  1866,  in- 
formed Secretary  Seward  that,  although  many  of  the  Ameri- 
can residents  were  dissatisfied  with  the  king  and  cabinet, 

"  Gregg  to  Marcy,  Oct.  2,  1854. 

"  Settlers  had  cultivated  sugar  cane  at  a  very  early  day,  and, 
by  1853,  they  were  planting  nearly  3000  acres. 


124     American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [124 

the  influence  of  the  American  Government,  so  far  as  he 
could  see,  was  "all  that  it  had  ever  been,"  and  that  the 
spirit  of  the  people  was  "  heartily  republican  and  thoroughly 
American,"  Suggesting  that  the  king  would  probably  die 
at  an  early  date  without  a  successor,  and  that  the  arbitra- 
tion of  the  destiny  the  country  would  devolve  upon  the 
United  States,  he  added  "  And  when  this  dynasty  ends  .  . . 
I  am  sure  that  if  the  American  Government  indicates  the 
slightest  desire  to  test  in  their  islands  the  last  Napoleonic 
conception  in  the  way  of  territorial  extension,  you  will  find 
the  people  here  with  great  unanimity  demanding  by  votes, 
freely  expressed,  annexation  to  the  United  States." 

On  May  21,  1867,  McCook,  by  written  invitation  of  the 
Hawaiian  Government,  negotiated  a  treaty  of  reciprocity 
which  was  more  liberal  than  that  of  1855.  The  king,  prob- 
ably by  the  advice  of  Varigny,  who  was  his  minister  of  for- 
eign affairs,  objected  to  the  presence  of  the  United  States 
ship  Lackawanna  in  Hawaiian  waters,  and  delayed  the  rati- 
fication of  the  treaty.  After  the  departure  of  the  vessel, 
he  convened  the  legislature  and  approved  the  treaty  on 
July  30.  Three  days  later  he  sent  Captain  Waterman  as 
an  envoy  to  Japan  to  attempt  negotiations  for  a  commercial 
treaty — a  project  which  McCook  urged  would  defeat  the 
objects  of  the  treaty  with  the  United  States  by  diverting  into 
another  channel  the  trade  we  wished  to  secure,^  and  decreas- 
ing our  commercial  and  political  influence  on  the  islands. 

McCook  regarded  the  treaty  of  reciprocity  as  a  means  of 
making  American  influence  dominant  on  the  islands  and 
in  line  with  a  policy  of  future  annexation.  President  John- 
son, stating  that  there  was  a  growing  conviction  that  our 
constitutional  system  is  strong  enough  to  comprehend  pos- 
sessions beyond  the  continent,*^  considered  the  treaty  a  guar- 

"  He  desired  to  secure  all  of  the  trade  of  China  and  Japan  as 
well  as  that  of  Hawaii.     McCook  to  Van  Valkenburg,  Aug.  3,  1867. 

*^  The  establishment  of  a  regular  steamer  service  between  San 
Francisco  and  China  in  1867  shortened  the  communication  between 
the  United  States  and  Hawaii.  Previous  communication  had  been 
by  whale  ships  via  Cape  Horn. 


135]  The  Aniericanisation  of  Hawaii.  125 

antee  of  foreign  forbearance  in  Hawaii  until  the  people  of 
the  islands  should  voluntarily  apply  for  admission  into  the 
Union.  There  were  some  who  opposed  reciprocity  on  the 
ground  that  it  would  "  hinder  and  defeat  early  annexation," 
but  this  probably  does  not  explain  the  motive  of  the  Senate, 
which  rejected  the  treaty  after  delaying  action  until  June  i, 
1870. 

On  July  13,  1867,  Secretary  Seward  authorized  McCook 
(at  the  latter's  own  suggestion)  to  sound  the  Hawaiian 
authorities  on  the  subject  of  annexation;  to  ascertain  the 
probable  conditions  and  confidentially  to  receive  overtures. 
In  the  following  September  he  wrote  him  that  lawful  and 
peaceful  annexation  of  the  islands,  with  the  consent  of  the 
people  there,  was  desired,  and  that  in  case  of  any  conflict 
between  the  policy  of  reciprocity  and  that  of  annexation 
the  latter  was  "  in  every  case  to  be  preferred."  In  the  sum- 
mer of  1868  he  was  informed  that  the  annexation  sentiment 
in  Hawaii  was  so  strong  that  immediate  occupation,  under 
some  pretext  of  defending  American  rights,  would  hardly 
raise  a  single  remonstrance;  but  he  saw  that  the  public 
mind  was  so  much  fastened  on  domestic  questions  (recon- 
struction) that  it  would  hardly  entertain  "  the  higher  but 
more  remote  questions  of  national  extension  and  aggran- 
dizement," and  prudently  avoided  giving  encouragement  to 
the  Hawaiian-American  annexationists. 

On  September  14,  1869,  in  the  course  of  a  confidential 
conversation  with  the  King  of  Hawaii,  McCook  stated  that 
the  United  States,  needing  a  naval  depot  between  the  Pa- 
cific coast  and  China,  probably  would  be  willing  to  pay  a  v, 
liberal  price  for  the  cession  of  any  or  all  of  the  islands;  but 
the  king  said  it  was  not  the  policy  of  the  government  to 
cede  either  of  the  four  larger  islands,  and  that  the  United 
States  would  have  no  use  for  the  smaller  ones  which  had 
no  harbors. 

On  February'  25,  1871,  Mr.  Henry  A.  Pierce,  United 
States  minister  at  Honolulu,  wrote  to  Fish  suggesting  that 
it  was  a  favorable  time  to  secure  the  political  destiny  of 


126      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [12& 

Hawaiian  Islands  by  annexation  to  the  United  States.  In 
support  of  this  poUcy,  he  said  the  majority  of  aborigines, 
Creoles,  and  the  democratic  New  England  settlers,  were 
anxious  for  annexation ;  that  the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the 
United  States  Constitution  had  increased  the  popularity  of 
the  project;  that  the  strategical  position  of  the  islands  for  a 
naval  or  coaling  station,  and  for  the  protection  of  United 
States  commerce  in  the  Pacific  was  an  important  considera- 
tion; and  that  His  Hawaiian  Majesty,  whose  fatness  made 
his  breathing  difficult,  was  likely  to  die  from  suffocation 
without  leaving  a  successor  to  the  throne.  President  Grant, 
who  was  urging  the  annexation  of  San  Domingo,  confi- 
dently referred  this  despatch  to  the  Senate  and  invited  an 
expression  of  its  views,  but  he  did  not  obtain  the  encourage- 
ment necessary  to  enable  him  to  express  the  policy  of  the 
Government  upon  the  subject. 

In  February,  1873,  as  a  means  of  removing  Hawaiian 
lukewarmness  and  fear  of  repulse.  Pierce  urged  an  expres- 
sion of  the  American  policy.  Though  he  thought  annexa- 
tion probably  would  never  be  presented  or  adopted  as  a 
measure  of  the  Hawaiian  Government,  he  said  that  the 
planters,  merchants  and  foreigners,  whenever  great  interests 
required  it,  would  induce  the  people  to  establish  a  republic, 
and  then  ask  for  admission  to  the  American  Union.  On 
March  25,  Secretary  Fish,  contemplating  that  the  import- 
ance of  Hawaii  and  the  decadent  tendency  of  the  Hawaiian 
Government  might  force  the  United  States  to  consider  its 
future,  instructed  the  United  States  minister  to  secure  full 
and  accurate  information  upon  the  population,  industries, 
resources  and  debt  of  Hawaii,  and  learn  the  views  of  the 
Hawaiian  authorities  concerning  the  policy,  manner,  terms, 
and  conditions  of  annexation.  Regarding  the  American 
policy,  he  said:  "While  there  are  .  .  .  many  and  influ- 
ential persons  in  this  country  who  question  the  policy  of  any 
insular  acquisitions,  perhaps  even  of  any  extension  of  terri- 
torial limits,  there  are  also  those  of  influence  and  of  wise 
foresight  who  see  a  future  that  must  extend  the  jurisdiction 


127]  The  Americanization  of  Hawaii.  127 

and  the  limits  of  this  nation,  and  that  will  require  a  resting 
spot  in  mid-ocean,  between  the  Pacific  coast  and  the  vast  do- 
mains of  Asia  which  are  now  opening  to  commerce  and 
Christian  civilization."  Concerning  the  reported  strong 
friendly  sentiments  in  Hawaii,  he  said:  "  You  will,  without 
committing  the  Government  to  any  line  of  policy,  not  dis- 
courage the  feeling  in  favor  of  annexation." 

Major-General  Schofield,  of  the  United  States  Army, 
had  already  been  instructed  in  June,  1872,  to  examine  the 
defensive  capabilities  and  commercial  facilities  of  Hawaiian 
ports.  In  a  report  to  the  Secretary  of  War  (May  8,  1873),  he 
stated  that  while  the  government  and  people  of  these  islands 
were  probably  not  then  prepared  to  consider  the  question  of 
annexation,  even  if  the  United  States  desired  to  propose  it, 
they  favored  the  cession  of  Pearl  river  harbor  as  a  means 
of  securing  a  reciprocity  treaty. 

Kalakaua,  whom  the  legislative  assembly  chose  as  king 
at  the  death  of  Lunalilo  "  in  February,  1874,  showed  a  dis- 
position to  favor  the  American  influence  in  the  islands. 
During  the  riots  that  followed  his  election,  he  requested 
that  an  armed  forced  be  landed  from  American  vessels  to 
preserve  order.  In  1875  he  visited  the  United  States,  and 
his  government  negotiated  a  treaty  of  reciprocity  which 
granted  certain  exclusive  privileges  to  the  United  States, 
and  was,  for  several  years,  the  source  of  protests  by  Great 
Britain. 

The  relation  of  the  islands  to  the  United  States  and  the  X )( 
North  Pacific  caused  the  American  Government  to  seek 
an  American  solution  for  Hawaiian  problems.  In  1881, 
Secretary  Blaine,  in  his  instructions  to  Minister  Comly,  said 
that  the  gradual  and  seemingly  inevitable  decadence  of  the 
native  race  might  induce  the  United  States  to  change  her 
policy  of  commercial  assimilation  to  one  of  colonization 
and  material  annexation;  and  he  desired  Hawaii  to  coop- 

"  Lunalilo  had  succeeded  Kamehameha  V.  whose  line  ended  in 
1872. 


J 


128     American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [128 

erate  in  replenishing  her  vital  forces  by  the  passage  of  favor- 
able homestead  laws  that  would  encourage  the  enterprising 
Americans  to  emigrate  to  the  islands.  Secretary  Freling- 
huysen,  though  he  did  not  consider  it  any  part  of  the  Ameri- 
can policy  to  interpose  to  prevent  the  annexation  of  the 
outlying  archipelagoes  and  islands  of  Polynesia""  by  foreign 
powers  to  whose  colonial  system  they  were  geographically 
allied,  said  (1883)  the  United  States  "  could  not  view  with 
complacency  any  movement  tending  to  the  extinction  of 
the  national  life  of  the  intimately  connected  commonwealths 
of  the  Northern  Pacific." 

Secretary  Bayard's  policy  was  to  prolong  the  reciprocity 
treaty  and  quietly  wait  until  American  planters  and  indus- 
tries flowing  to  the  islands  should  prepare  for  a  "  perfectly^ 
.  rf  I  feasible  policy  of  acquisition."  By  a  convention  concluded 
r  in  1884  and  ratified  in  1887,  reciprocity  was  renewed  for 
seven  years,  and  the  United  States  was  given  exclusive 
right  to  enter  Pearl  harbor,  in  Oahu,  and  to  establish  a 
coaling  station  there.  Though  the  grant  of  the  harbor  did 
not  impair  the  political  sovereignty  of  Hawaii,  it  induced 
the  British  to  propose  that  a  tripartite  arrangement  between 
the  United  States,  Great  Britain  and  Germany  should  guar- 
antee the  neutrality  of  the  islands.  Bayard,  seeing  no  neces- 
sity for  joining  in  such  an  arrangement,  replied  that  one  of 
the  articles  of  the  reciprocity  treaty  inhibited  a  cession  of 
any  part  of  Hawaiian  territory  without  consent  of  the  Amer- 
ican Government, 

The  possibility  of  a  crisis  under  which  it  would  be  the 
policy  of  the  United  States  to  take  possession  by  military 
occupation  had  been  contemplated  for  years*  In  February, 
1874,  Minister  Pierce  recommended  that  a  United  States 
vessel  should  be  stationed  at  Hawaii  at  all  times.     In  May, 


"  In  October,  1883,  there  was  some  agitation  in  Australia  in 
favor  of  protection  and  eventual  occupation  of  the  New  Hebrides, 
the  Solomon,  and  other  adjacent  groups.  The  Hawaiian  Govern- 
ment issued  a  protest,  and  attempted  to  secure  the  cooperation  of 
the  United  States  Government. 


129]  The  Americanization  of  Hawaii.  '*sl29> 

1889,  his  successor,  G.  W.  Merrill,  suggested  that  in  view 
of  the  large  American  interests,  the  absence  of  cable  com- 
munication, and  the  approach  of  a  political  campaign,  the 
United  States  should  keep  a  vessel  in  Hawaiian  waters. 
In  accordance  with  this  suggestion,  the  Adams  was  soon 
ordered  to  Honolulu.  The  wisdom  of  such  a  policy  was 
proven  by  subsequent  events.  On  July  30,  a  band  of  na- 
tives, desiring  a  larger  share  of  official  patronage,  and  be- 
lieving that  foreign  residents  and  cabinet  officials  were  en- 
deavoring to  influence  political  afifairs  so  as  to  destroy 
Hawaiian  autonomy,"  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  at 
revolution.  By  permission  of  the  native  government,  about 
seventy  marines  were  landed  to  protect  property  and  influ- 
ence the  restoration  of  order.  Many  American  residents 
hoped  that  revolutionary  attempts  and  frequent  turmoils  sy 
would  hasten  annexation. 

The  danger  of  further  disturbance  was  increased  by  the 
election  of  February,  1890,  which  indicated  a  reaction  from 
the  reform  constitution  established  by  the  bloodless  revo- 
lution of  1787.  The  opposition,  aided  by  the  king,  who 
hoped  to  recover  part  of  his  former  autocratic  power,  gained 
votes  by  appealing  to  race  prejudices  and  succeeded  in 
electing  many  who  were  not  friendly  to  the  United  States. 
Minister  Stevens,  expecting  factional  disturbance,  recom- 
mended that  the  United  States  should  order  a  war  vessel  to 
remain  at  Honolulu,  and  soon  urged  the  establishment  of  a  , 
coal  depot. 

The  dissatisfaction  growing  out  of  the  change  of  rulers  in  v 
1 89 1  increased  annexation  sentiment  in  Hawaii.  King 
Kalakaua,  who  died  in  January,  was  succeeded  by  his  sister, 
Liliuokalani,  widow  of  an  American  resident,  who  caused 
much  discontent  by  her  attitude  toward  the  legislature,  and 
her  subjection  to  Marshal  Wilson,  a  half-caste  Tahitian. 


**The  general  celebration  of  the  Fourth  of  July,  at  Honolulu, 
as  described  by  Minister  Merrill  in  a  despatch  of  July,  indicates 
that  there  was  a  strong  American  sentiment  there. 
9 


130      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [130 


On  February  8,  1892,  Stevens  considered  that  annexation 
was  the  only  remedy  to  reUeve  the  feverish  political  situa- 
tion and  prevent  the  danger  of  England  obtaining  a  hold 
a  month  later.  Expecting  a  revolution  against  the  queen's 
government,  he  intimated  that  the  continued  presence  of  a 
United  States  ship-of-war  was  necessary,  and  in  view  of  pos- 
sible contingencies,  asked  for  instructions  as  to  duties  oi 
himself  and  naval  commanders.  During  the  summer,  naval 
commanders  reported  that  conditions  in  Hawaii,  notwith- 
standing the  influence  of  the  British  element,  seemed  "  to 
point  toward  an  eventual  request  for  annexation." 

On  November  20,  in  a  confidential  report  of  the  financial, 
agricultural,  social  and  political  conditions,  and  the  com- 
mercial and  naval  importance  of  the  islands,  Stevens  re- 
ferred to  the  strong  inclination  of  Europeans  to  gain  pos- 
.  session  of  islands  in  the  Pacific,  and  stated  that  Hawaii  was 
lat  the  parting  of  the  ways  and  must  either  become  Asiatic 
jbr  American — either  like  Singapore  or  Southern  California. 
iHe  declared  that  in  order  to  subserve  American  commer- 
cial and  political  interests  it  was  absolutely  necessary  either 
to  adopt  a  vigorous  policy  of  annexation  or  to  secure  cable 
connections  with  at  least  an  implied  American  protectorate 
over  the  islands. 

On  January  15,  1893,  Queen  Liliuokalani  attempted  to 
promulgate  a  new  constitution,  giving  herself  more  power, 
depriving  foreigners  of  right  of  franchise,  abrogating  the 
House  of  Nobles  and  giving  the  queen  power  to  appoint 
a  new  House.  Foreigners  and  others  strenuously  op- 
posed, and  a  peaceful  revolution  resulted  in  the  deposition 
of  the  queen.  By  request  of  the  unopposed  de  facto  gov- 
ernment, marines  from  the  Boston  were  landed  to  preserve 
order,"  and  Minister  Stevens,  on  February  i,  assumed  pro- 
tection of  the  island.  Secretary  J.  W.  Foster  commended 
his  action  so  far  as  it  accorded  protection  to  life  and  prop- 
erty, but  disavowed  it  so  far  as  it  might  appear  to  overstep 


Lucian  Young:     The  Boston  at  Hawaii,  Washington,  li. 


131]  The  Americanization  of  Hawaii.  131 

that  limit  by  setting  the  authority  and  power  of  the  United 
States  above  that  of  the  government  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands 
in  the  capacity  of  a  protector,  or  impair  in  any  way  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Hawaiian  Government." 

The  provisional  government,  which  was  recognized  by 
Minister  Stevens  and  all  foreign  governments  except  Eng- 
land, had  already  sent  commissioners  to  Washington  and 
negotiated  a  treaty  of  annexation,  which  President  Harri- 
son, on  February  15,  sent  to  the  United  States  Senate  for 
confirmation.  While  the  treaty  was  yet  pending  in  the 
Senate,  President  Cleveland  was  inaugurated,  and  ex-Queen 
Liliuokalani,  having  complained  that  the  recent  "  revolt " 
had  been  aided  by  United  States  troops,  he  soon  recalled 
the  treaty  from  the  Senate  and  ordered  an  investigation  of 
the  revolution."  On  April  14,  1893,  awaiting  action  by 
Congress,  President  Cleveland  withdrew  the  protectorate 
established  by  Stevens  on  February  9. 

Refusing  to  reinstate  the  queen,  the  leaders  in  Hawaii 
on  July  4,  1894,  dissolved  the  provisional  government  and 
proclaimed  a  republic.  A  movement  for  annexation 
was  vigorously  pushed,  and  on  June  16,  1897,  a  treaty  of 
annexation  was  sent  to  the  Senate  by  President  McKinley. 
The  Senate  did  not  act,  but  after  the  opening  of  the  war 
with  Spain,  a  joint  resolution  in  favor  of  annexation  was 
passed  by  Congress  and  was  signed  by  President  McKinley 
on  July  7,  1898,  soon  after  the  occupation  of  Manila,  where 
the  American  flag  now  floated  over  the  fortifications  of  the 
Philippines. 

Notes  on  Hawaiian  Constitutional  History. — 
American  influence  is  seen  in  Hawaiian  constitutional  devel- 
opment. 

^  For  political  correspondence,  1889-93,  see  H.  Exec.  Doc.  48, 
53-2,  Dec.  18,  1893.  [Reprint  of  Sen.  Exec.  Docs.  76  and  77,  52-2, 
Feb.,  1893.] 

^  Commissioner  Blount's  report  is  in  H.  Exec.  Doc.  47,  53-2, 
Dec.  18,  1893.  Also,  see  Sen.  Rp.  227,  53-2,  Feb.  26,  1894  [773  pp. 
and  maps],  and  Foreign  Relations,  1894,  Appendix  ii. 


132      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [132 

In  1839,  American  missionaries  and  ex-missionaries  per- 
suaded Kamehameha  III.  to  sign  a  Bill  of  Rights,  and  in 
October,  1840,  they  induced  him  to  grant  a  constitution, 
giving  up  his  absolute  power,  providing  for  four  depart- 
ments of  administration,  and  creating  a  single  legislative 
body  composed  of  hereditary  nobles  and  seven  representa- 
tives formally  elected  by  the  people.  This  constitution. 
Mosaic  in  character,  showing  derivation  from  the  Penta- 
teuch, the  British  Government  and  the  American  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  lasted  for  twelve  years.  By  1851  the 
majority  of  the  representatives,  executive  officials  and  judges 
were  natives  of  the  United  States." 

In  1852,  the  Government  agreed  upon  a  revised  and  much 
more  liberal  constitution,  which  existed  until  August,  1864. 
It  still  contained  some  of  the  levitical  elements,  and  opened 
with  "  God  hath  created  all  men  free  and  equal."  It  divided 
the  legislative  assembly  into  two  houses,  both  of  which  were 
enlarged;  provided  for  manhood  suffrage  and  elections  by 
ballot;  denied  political  rights  to  any  who  should  import 
slaves;  and  established  a  Kuhina-nui  to  regulate  the  gov- 
ernment machine  and  counsel  and  restrict  the  king.  The 
Kuhina-nui  was  usually  a  woman.  She  and  the  king  each 
had  a  negative  upon  the  other's  acts.  She  had  charge  of  the 
Great  Seal,  the  royal  standard  and  the  national  flag,  and 
performed  the  duties  of  the  king  at  the  latter's  death." 

In  Noverpber,  1863,  Kamehameha  IV.,  who  had  reigned 
since  1854,  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  brother.  Prince 
Lot,  who  ruled  until  1872,  as  Kamehameha  V.  The  new 
king,  showing  a  tendency  toward  the  former  royal  abso- 
lutism, was  opposed  to  part  of  the  constitution  of  1852,  and 
refused  to  take  the  oath  which  it  prescribed."     Seeking  the 

*  In  1850,  the  king  recommended  a  new  constitution  and  ap- 
pointed a  committee  of  three  to  frame  a  model.  Dr.  Judd  was  the 
leading  member. 

*  Eclectic  M.,  Apr.   1865. 

"  His  cabinet  consisted  of  a  Scotchman,  an  Englishman,  a 
Frenchman  and  an  American. 


133]  The  Americanization  of  Hawaii.  133 

quickest  way  to  amend  the  constitution  so  as  to  abolish 
universal  suffrage  and  place  voting  upon  an  income  and 
property  basis,  he  called  a  convention,  which  was  opened  in 
July,  1864.  This  convention,  of  which  the  king  was  presi- 
dent, consisted  of  twenty-seven  delegates  and  sixteen  nobles 
headed  by  the  Kuhina-nui.  Mr.  Judd,  who  was  made  sec- 
retary, appointed  Anglo-Saxons  to  fill  the  positions  of  chap- 
Iain,  reporter,  etc.  Many  American  missionaries,  fearing 
that  the  king  desired  to  assume  extra  powers,  had  raised  the 
cry  of  alarm.  When  the  convention  met,  the  American 
party  led  by  Dr.  Judd  (the  ex-minister)  and  his  son  (the 
secretary)  and  three  or  four  others,  stood  for  manhood  suf- 
frage, and  opposed  the  policy  of  the  king,  whose  views, 
delivered  in  both  English  and  Hawaiian,  were  seconded  by 
most  of  the  nobles. 

There  were  some  remarkable  speeches.  Honorable  D. 
Kalana  and  others,  pointing  to  the  United  States  for  illus- 
tration, urged  that  universal  suffrage  led  to  corruption  at 
the  polls,  and  insisted  that  it  was  not  the  purpose  of  the  king 
to  take  away  the  poor  people's  rights.  M.  Varigny,  on  the 
part  of  the  king,  intimated  that  to  give  suffrage  to  the  poor 
was  like  placing  a  razor  in  the  hands  of  a  baby  or  giving  a 
candle  into  the  hands  of  a  man  to  carry  into  a  powder 
magazine.  The  opposition,  denying  that  poverty  was  any 
argument  against  suffrage,  urged  that  the  ballot  was  an  in- 
centive to  work,  and  claimed  that  purity  of  elections  existed 
in  the  United  States. 

After  a  week  of  debates,  a  decision  was  reached  that  all 
three  estates  should  sit  in  debate  in  the  same  chamber  and 
vote  unitedly  on  rules  or  by-laws,  but  that  constitutional 
subjects  must  first  be  offered  and  carried  by  the  representa- 
tives (lower  house),  then  receive  the  separate  vote  of  the 
nobles  and  the  sanction  of  the  king.  The  opposition  of  the 
representatives  caused  business  to  move  slowly,  and  the 
king,  becoming  impatient  on  account  of  the  long  discussions 
on  "  Article  62,"  and  the  failure  to  agree,  after  five  weeks  of 
fretful  inculcation,  declared  it  useless  to  prolong  the  session, 


134     American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [134 

and  claimed  the  right  to  abrogate  the  constitution  of  1852. 
"  I  will  give  you  a  constitution,"  said  he,  and  dissolved  the 
convention. 

On  August  20  the  promised  constitution  appeared.  It 
omitted  the  "  free  and  equal "  clause;  reversed  the  bicameral 
arrangement  and  returned  to  the  single  legislative  chamber; 
abolished  the  Kuhina-nui ;  gave  the  king  a  larger  place  in  the 
state;  made  the  cabinet  more  responsible;  excluded  the 
ballot;  required  that  representatives  should  own  real  estate 
worth  $500,  or  have  an  annual  income  of  $250,  and  that 
electors,  besides  possessing  certain  intellectual  require- 
ments, should  own  property  worth  $150,  or  receive  $25 
yearly  rent  and  leasehold  and  $75  income.  This  constitu- 
tion existed  until  1887,  when  the  legislative  powers  of  the 
crown  became  entirely  vested  in  the  representatives  of  the 
people.  The  attempt  of  Liliuokalani  in  June,  1893,  to  in- 
crease her  power  and  deprive  foreigners  of  the  right  of  suf- 
frage by  a  new  constitution  resulted  in  the  revolution  that 
made  Hawaii  a  republic,  and  prepared  the  way  for  annexa- 
tion to  the  United  States.  The  present  territorial  govern- 
ment was  established  by  act  of  Congress  in  1900.^ 

'■  See  appendix. 


CHAPTER  IX. 
RELATIONS  IN  SAMOA. 

The  attitude  of  the  United  States  toward  the  Samoan 
Islands  furnishes  an  instructive  chapter  in  the  evolution  oi 
national  policy.  Compared  to  its  policy  in  Hawaii,  the 
American  Government  until  recently  has  shown  little  in- 
terest in  securing  a  control  over  the  islands  in  the  South 
Pacific,  but  local  conditions,  together  with  the  increase  of, 
American  interests  in  the  Pacific  and  the  Far  East,  led  us' 
first  to  a  policy  of  protection  for  Samoa,^  and  then  to  divi- 
sion and  acquisition. 

^  The  Samoan  Islands,  located  4200  miles  southwest  from  San 
Francisco,  and  420  miles  northeast  of  the  Fijis,  discovered  in  1772 
by  a  Hollander,  are  the  largest  and  most  populous  Pacific  group, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  Of  the  13  islands  in 
the  group,  only  Savaii  (700  square  miles),  Upolo  (550  square  miles), 
and  Tutuila  (55  square  miles)  are  inhabited.  The  others  are  little 
more  than  barren  volcanic  rocks.  The  population  is  about  30,000, 
and  the  area  about  equal  to  that  of  Rhode  Island.  There  are 
about  300  Europeans  and  Americans  on  the  islands.  The  climate 
is  tropical,  and  frequent  thunder  showers  throughout  the  year 
supply  the  necessary  irrigation  for  the  rank  vegetation.  The  pro- 
ducts are  bread-fruit,  taro,  yams,  bananas,  sugar,  cofTee,  sea-island 
cotton,  cocoanuts,  etc.  The  lagoons  and  reefs  abound  in  fish, 
which  the  natives  catch  with  spears  and  nets.  Both  the  import  and 
export  trade  is  in  the  hands  of  Germans.  All  accounts  are  kept 
in  terms  of  United  States  currency.  The  natives  are  hospitable, 
open,  amiable,  brave  and  hardy  and  possess  great  mental  ability, 
but  are  averse  to  labor.  They  speak  a  language  similar  to  that 
of  the  Hawaiians.  The  principal  amusements  are  quoits,  card 
playing  (casino),  cricket  and  the  siva,  a  kind  of  acting  charade  in 
which  the  life  of  the  islands  is  represented  in  a  very  realistic  man- 
ner by  "  living  pictures."  The  actual  siva  is  performed  by  girls, 
smeared  with  cocoa-nut  oil,  who  frequently,  under  the  excitement 
of  their  motions  and  contortions,  divest  themselves  of  all  clothing. 
The  marriage  ceremony  is  very  simple,  and  often  there  is  no  cere- 
mony except  the  mere  expression  of  a  willingness  to  live  together. 


136      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [136 

It  was  seen  that  the  position  of  the  islands,  on  the  great 
trade  routes  between  Panama  and  California,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  Australia  and  the  Orient,  on  the  other,  together 
with  their  strategic  advantages,  both  political  and  com- 
mercial, were  more  important  than  the  value  of  their  trade. 
The  harbor  of  Pango  Pango  (on  the  Tutuila),  which  is 
owned  by  the  United  States,  is  the  best  place  in  the  South 
Pacific  for  repair  and  supplies  and  for  a  coaling  and  cable 
station.  The  harbor  of  Apia,  under  German  control, 
though  a  safe  port  under  ordinary  conditions,  has  proven 
unsatisfactory  in  a  severe  storm. 

Though  an  American  consul  had  resided  at  Apia  many 
years  before "  to  protect  American  interests,  our  closer  rela- 
tions began  in  1872,  when  Commander  R.  W.  Meade,  a 
United  States  navy  officer,  of  the  Narragansett,'  on  his  own 
responsibility,  entered  into  an  agreement  pledging  the  pro- 
tection of  the  United  States,  stating  that  we  were  about  to 
establish  commercial  relations  with  the  islands  by  means  of 
a  line  of  steamers  then  plying  between  California,  Hawaii, 
New  Zealand  and  Australia,  and  desired  a  convenient  coal- 
ing port. 

Both  parties  to  a  dormant  civil  war,  which  had  been 
pending  in  Samoa  since  1870,  interfering  with  the  exports 
of  the  island  and  causing  the  natives  to  spend  most  of  the 
time  in  sharpening  their  war  knives  and  axes,  expressed  a 
wish  to  acknowledge  the  absolute  authority  of  the  United 

Polygamy  has  almost  ceased.  In  case  of  divorce  the  young  chil- 
dren go  to  the  mother.  Cooking  is  done  by  the  men,  and  each 
person  at  the  meal  uses  a  bread-fruit  leaf  for  a  table,  a  mat  for 
a  chair,  and  the  nearest  post  for  a  table  napkin.  The  early  social, 
political,  and  religious  life  of  the  Samoans  is  an  interesting  study. 
See  George  Turner's  "  Samoa  a  hundred  years  ago  and  long  be- 
fore," [Macmillan,  1884],  and  J.  B.  Stair's  "  Old  Samoa,"  [London, 
1897].  A  good  review  of  Turner's  volume  appears  in  the  Nation 
[N.  Y.]  of  August  21,  1884. 

'  See  Senate  Rp.  Com.  148,  36-1. 

*  Geo.  B.  Rieman:  Narrative  of  a  cruise  of  the  U.  S.  Str.  Nar- 
ragansett, Oakland,  Cal.,  1874,  43  pp.  Nineteenth  Century,  Feb., 
1886. 


137]  Relations  with  Samoa.  137 

States,  and  on  March  2  the  Chief  of  Pango  Pango  "  freely 
and  voluntarily  "  signed  a  treaty  with  Commander  Meade, 
granting  the  United  States  the  exclusive  privilege  of  estab-  ^^^ 
lishing  a  naval  and  coal  depot  in  the  bay  in  return  for  the 
promise  of  friendly  alliance  and  protection  by  the  United 
States/  In  May,  Grant,  stating  that  he  would  not  hesitate 
to  recommend  its  approval,  but  for  the  protection  to  which 
it  seemed  to  pledge  the  United  States,  sent  the  treaty  to  the 
Senate,"  which  failed  to  ratify  it. 

In  1873  the  Department  of  State  determined  to  obtain 
further  information  regarding  the  condition  of  Samoa. 
Colonel  A.  B.  Steinberger,  sent  for  this  purpose,  reached 
the  islands  in  1874.  Under  him  the  chiefs  assembled  a 
council,  formed  a  constitution  and  laws  for  a  united  govern- 
ment, and  again  asked  Grant  to  take  the  country  under  the 
protection  of  the  United  States.  Steinberger,  after  making 
a  voluminous  report '  on  the  fertility  and  resources  and  im- 
portant position  of  the  islands,  was  impatient  to  return,  and 
the  Government  again  sent  him  with  the  condition  that  he 
pay  his  own  expenses.  He  received  instructions,  dated 
December  11,  in  which  Secretary  Fish  doubted  whether  the 
importance  of  a  commanding  position  in  the  Pacific  was  a 
sufficient  consideration  to  satisfy  the  people  that  the  an- 
nexation of  the  islands  was  essential  to  our  safety  and  pros- 
perity, and  did  not  consider  it  expedient  "to  originate  a 
measure  adverse  to  the  usual  tradition  of  the  Government." 

*The  treaty  also  provided  for  the  protection  of  the  persons  and 
property  of  foreigners  and  foreign  consuls,  the  regulation  of  port 
charges  and  pilotage,  the  prohibition  of  trade  in  intoxicating 
liquors  and  work  on  Sunday,  the  apprehension  of  deserters,  and 
of  foreigners  from  encouraging  native  females  to  prostitute  them- 
selves. 

'  On  March  16,  1872,  President  Grant,  in  response  to  a  House 
resolution,  sent  a  reply  of  the  Secretary  of  State  of  same  date, 
stating  that  there  were  no  papers  in  the  Department  of  State  to 
show  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  Navigators'  Islands,  in  the  Pacific 
had  made  any  application  to  have  the  protection  of  the  United 
States  extended  over  said  islands. 

'  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  45,  43-1,  Apr.  22,  1874. 


138      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.    [138 

Returning  to  Samoa  in  1875,  ^^>  Steinberger,  dethroned 
Tupua,  made  Malietoa  sole  king,  changed  the  constitution, 
made  himself  prime  minister  of  a  new  government  which  he 
established  in  the  financial  interest  of  a  German  (Hamburg) 
mercantile  firm,  and  gave  the  impression  that  the  islands 
were  under  the  protection  of  the  United  States,  but  the 
American  Government  refused  to  support  him.  Embar- 
rassed by  the  renewal  of  the  turbulent  spirit  among  the 
chiefs,  he  fell  into  trouble  as  a  ruler,  and  being  unable  to 
produce  any  credentials  from  Washington,  was  deported 
with  the  concurrence  of  the  American  consul.  A  new  gov- 
ernment, organized  under  a  council  of  chiefs,  continued  till 
May,  1879,  when,  by  the  decision  of  the  consular  repre- 
sentatives of  the  United  States,  Great  Britain  and  Ger- 
many, Malietoa  was  recognized  and  anointed  as  king. 
Steinberger's  action  had  been  upon  his  own  responsibility, 
and  without  the  authority  of  the  United  States  Government. 
The  purpose  of  his  mission  and  the  character  of  the  power 
conferred  upon  him  were  the  subject  of  inquiry  by  the 
House.  The  President  responded  on  May  i,  communicat- 
ing copies  of  the  correspondence,  showing  that  the  United 
States  was  not  implicated.'  An  instruction  to  Steinberger, 
written  after  the  report  that  he  had  promised  the  Samoans 
the  protection  of  the  United  States,  regretted  his  action, 
stating  that  the  United  States  Government  had  not  held 
out  any  hope  of  such  protection,  and  that  the  State  Depart- 
ment, without  a  treaty  or  sanction  of  Congress,  had  no 
right  to  authorize  such  a  promise. 

In  both  1877  and  1878  consular  representatives  of  the 
United  States  at  Apia,  "  disregarding  our  traditional  policy," 
raised  the  United  States  flag  as  sign  of  a  protectorate,  but 
the  United  States  Government  did  not  sustain  their  acts. 

In  1877,  one  of  the  Samoan  parties,"  seeking  repose  from 

^  H.  Exec.  Doc.  161,  44-1,  May  i,  1876.  H.  Exec.  Doc.  44,  44-2, 
March  2,  1877.  The  correspondence  may  be  seen  in  Sen.  Exec. 
Doc.  97,  53-3,  vol.  vi,  Feb.  26,  1895. 

*At  the  same  time,  another  party  sent  its  chiefs  to  Fiji  to  solicit 
'  British  protection. 


139]  Relations  with  Samoa.  139 

war,  and  doubtful  of  their  ability  to  maintain  peace  and  in- 
dependence, sent  Mamea  as  ambassador  to  Washington  to 
seek  American  protection;  but  Secretary  Evarts,  though 
he  wished  to  see  a  "  stable,  independent  government "  that 
would  command  the  respect  of  nations  and  foreigners  and 
end  the  schemes  of  disorder,  was  not  willing  to  accept  a 
protectorate  over  islands  so  far  distant.  In  1878,  however, 
the  United  States  finally  concluded  a  treaty,  receiving 
Pango  Pango  as  a  coaling  station  and  agreeing  to  mediate 
for  the  adjustment  of  difficulties  in  which  Samoa  might 
become  involved  with  a  European  power\  Soon  thereafter, 
Germany  also  made  a  treaty  by  which  she  secured  a  naval 
station  in  the  harbor  of  Saluafata,  and  Great  Britain  negoti- 
ated a  treaty  granting  her  a  naval  and  coaling  station. 

In  1879  the  foreign  powers  induced  the  natives  to  make 
a  peace  agreement  by  which  one  party  supplied  the  king  and 
the  other  the  vice-king,  both  of  whom  were  to  preside  over 
a  government  of  lords  and  commons  supposed  to  be  elective. 
But  the  elective  system  existed  only  in  name.  Samoans 
did  not  trouble  themselves  about  their  franchise,  and  soon 
the  chiefs  ignored  the  whole  system  and  themselves  decided 
who  should  be  representatives.  They  appeared  incapable 
of  carrying  on  a  stable  government.  Their  government 
had  no  funds  and  no  system  of  taxation.  They  had  a  par- 
liament without  a  general  parliament  house.  Discussion 
was  carried  on  from  house  to  house,  each  political  division 
having  a  house.  There  was  oratory,  much  squabbling, 
scheming  and  procrastination,  but  no  voting.  If  the  op- 
position felt  strong  enough  it  would  leave  and  go  home  to 
prepare  to  fight." 

The  Samoan  government  was  a  bone  of  contention  be- 
tween the  foreign  consuls.     In  1880"  a  scheme  of  tripartite 


*  On  the  reception  of  the  treaty  and  the  political  situation  at 
Samoa,  see  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  2,  46-1.  Mar.  21,  1879. 

"W.  B.  Churchward:  My  Consulate  in  Samoa  [1881-85],  Lon- 
don, 1887. 

"  About  the  same  time  the  United  States  saw  the  need  of  extend- 
ing the  jurisdiction  of  her  Apia  consuls  to  outlying  islands,  and 


140      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.    [140 

local  government  by  the  consular  representatives  of  the 
United  States,  Great  Britain  and  Germany  was  proposed^ 
but  the  United  States  did  not  consider  the  plan  desirable. 
The  Samoans  themselves  were  becoming  tired  of  a  shuttle- 
cock existence.  In  1884,  Malietoa  and  the  vice-king  begged 
Queen  Victoria  to  either  make  Samoa  a  British  colony  or 
allow  it  to  be  governed  by  New  Zealand. 

German  residents,  acquiring  land  and  monopolizing 
trade,  had  continued  to  encourage  opposition  to  the  king, 
and  in  1884  the  German  consul  precipitated  a  crisis  by 
securing  from  the  Samoan  council  an  agreement  providing 
for  a  German-Samoan  council  of  government.  The  king, 
refusing  to  execute  the  agreement,  Steubel,  the  German 
consul,  in  1885,  raised  his  flag  over  Apia  and  took  pos- 
session in  the  name  of  his  Government  as  security  for 
Samoan  good  behavior  toward  German  interests.  The 
American  consul,  Greenbaum,  to  counteract  German  influ- 
ence, proceeded  to  hoist  the  American  flag  and  proclaim  a 
protectorate.  The  United  States  Government  disavowed 
the  action  of  Greenbaum,  but  spoke  in  a  determined  tone 
regarding  the  protection  of  American  rights  in  the  Pacific." 

In  the  early  part  of  1886,  the  State  Department  was  in- 
formed that  Germany,  having  agreed  with  England  upon 
lines  of  Pacific  division,"  claimed  sovereignty  over  Samoa, 
and  the  hitherto  unclaimed  Gilbert  and  Marshall  islands  in 
which,  as  in  other  outlying,  unattached  groups,  the  repre- 
sentatives of  many  nationalities  had   sporadically   settled. 


was  ready  to  aid  native  and  independent  government  of  the  Ralick 
groups  of  Marshall  archipelago  in  establishing  temperance  re- 
strictions. 

"  Bayard  to  Pendleton,  Jan.  17,  1888. 

"  In  1885,  both  Spain  and  Germany  claimed  the  Caroline  Islands, 
where  large  American  interests  were  already  established.  Ger- 
many seemed  to  suspect  the  intention  of  the  United  States  to  assert 
a  claim  to  the  islands,  but  Secretary  Bayard  announced  our  pur- 
pose to  respect  whatever  sovereign  jurisdiction  might  be  estab- 
lished or  already  exist  there,  without  indicating  an  opinion  on  the 
Spanish-German  controversy. 


141]  Relations  with  Samoa.  141 

The  United  States  had  no  treaty  relations  with  either  the 
Gilbert  or  Marshall  groups,  and  offered  no  objection  to 
their  annexation  by  Germany,  but  insisted  that  interests 
created  in  favor  of  peaceful  American  settlers  there  should 
not  be  disturbed  by  any  assertion  of  exclusive  claims  of 
territorial  jurisdiction.  In  some  cases  American  citizens 
had  undisturbed  possession  of  the  Pacific  islands,  and  the 
United  States  could  have  asserted  a  claim  of  possession,  but 
she  did  not  desire  any  exclusive  jurisdiction  for  herself  and 
was  not  ready  to  allow  any  jurisdiction  by  others  if  it  should 
expel  American  citizens  from  rights  which  they  had  from 
the  natives." 

Determining  to  get  authentic  information  regarding  the 
situation  in  Samoa,  Bayard  sent  (1886)  George  H.  Bates, 
his  law  partner,  to  investigate  and  to  prepare  an  exhaustive 
report."  Desiring  to  extend  good  offices  for  the  establish- 
ment of  order  in  Samoa,  he  suggested  a  conference  of  repre- 
sentatives of  the  three  powers  which,  in  June,  1887,  met  at 
Washington  to  negotiate  a  treaty  securing  autonomy  and 
neutrality  of  the  islands.  He  urged  that  the  "  autonomy 
and  independence  of  Samoa  should  be  scrupulously  pre- 
served," a  principle  upon  which  President  Cleveland  had 
insisted  in  a  special  message  to  Congress  in  the  preceding 
January.  He  proposed  that  each  treaty  power  should  alter- 
nately keep  a  man-of-war  in  Samoan  waters  four  months 

"  The  interest  of  the  United  States  in  regard  to  the  destiny  of 
the  Pacific  islands  was  increased  by  the  rapid  absorption  of  va- 
rious groups  by  the  European  powers.  Great  Britain,  who  had 
appropriated  Australia  a  century  earlier,  accepted  the  Fijis  in  1874. 
France,  who  had  taken  the  Marquesas,  in  1842,  and  the  New  Cale- 
donian and  Loyalty  islands,  in  1853,  extended  her  control  to  the 
Society  group,  in  1880;  Spain,  who  had  occupied  the  Philippines 
and  Ladrones  since  the  sixteenth  century,  took  possession  of  the 
Carolines,  in  1885;  Germany  assumed  control  of  the  Marshall, 
Solomon  and  Admiralty  groups;  Holland  and  Germany  partitioned 
New  Guinea.  In  1888,  Great  Britain  took  Gilbert,  Ellice,  Union 
and  Enderbury  groups,  and  several  single  islands,  including  Fan- 
ning, Washington,  Starbuck  and  CaroHne. 

"  Strictly  Confidential  Report  of  G.  H.  Bates  to  the  Secretary  of 
State,  Dec.  10,  1886.     Washington,  1887,  135  pp. 


143      American  Relations  in  the  PaciHc  and  Far  East.     [143 

of  each  year  to  aid  in  maintaining  the  government  to  be 
estabHshed  and  to  preserve  peace  and  order.  He  also  pro- 
posed that  administration  of  laws  be,  by  an  executive  coun- 
cil, composed  of  the  king,  vice-king  and  three  foreigners, 
one  of  whom  should  be  designated  by  each  of  the  foreign 
powers,  but  all  of  whom  should  be  "  paid  by  the  Samoan 
Government.  The  plan  which  Germany  desired,  and  the 
British  seemed  to  favor,  committing  the  practical  control  of 
affairs  to  a  German  adviser  of  the  king,  he  feared  would 
give  Germany  too  much  influence  in  the  Samoan  Govern- 
ment. Failing  to  agree  upon  any  plan,  the  conference  ad- 
journed in  July. 

The  Germans  in  Samoa,  by  mortgages  and  land  sales, 
were  rapidly  getting  possession  of  territory  which  the  na- 
tives had  never  intended  to  sell,"  and  appeared  to  be  pre- 
paring to  seize  the  islands.  From  the  government  of 
Malietoa,  hampered  by  a  House  of  Lords  and  a  House  of 
Commons  that  did  as  they  pleased,  and  attempting  to  rule 
over  a  people  who  refused  to  obey  its  orders,  they  expected 
little  protection  for  white  settlers.  By  defeating  Malietoa 
and  setting  up  another  king  with  a  German  adviser,  they 
precipitated  a  civil  contest  in  which  the  Samoans  were 
divided  into  two  hostile  camps  of  armed  warriors,"  one 
supported  by  German  arms,  and  the  other  by  British  col- 
onels and  citizens  of  the  United  States;  they  declared  mar- 
tial law  at  Apia  and  tried  to  enforce  it  on  Americans,  who 
at  once  registered  a  strong  protest." 

"...  Blaine,  on  April  ii,  1889,  in  instructions  to  our  negotia- 
tors at  the  Berlin  conference,  said  that  the  plan  proposed  by  the 
United  States,  in  the  conference  of  1887,  was  hardly  less  than  a 
joint  protectorate;  it  went  beyond  the  principle  upon  which  Presi- 
dent Harrison  desired  to  see  our  Samoan  relations  based,  was  not 
in  harmony  with  our  established  policy,  and  did  not  promise  ef!i- 
cient  action. 

"  In  1886,  they  claimed  232,000  acres,  and  the  British  subjects 
357,000  acres. 

"  See  an  article  by  Henry  C.  Ide  in  N.  Am.  Rev.,  Aug.,  1897. 

'*  Commander  Leary  of  the  U.  S.  warship  Adams  on  Sept.  6, 
1888,  sent  a  protest  to  the  captain  of  one  of  the  German  vessels. 
Marines  were  landed  to  protect  the  American  consulate. 


143]  Relations  with  Samoa.  143 

The  United  States,  though  she  had  not  consciously 
sought  to  participate  in  the  contest,  and  though  her  trade 
with  Samoa  was  small  compared  with  that  of  Germany  and 
England,  threatened  intervention  in  order  to  preserve  her 
interests  in  the  Pacific."*  She  promptly  sent  a  naval  squad- 
ron, which  was  subsequently  destroyed  in  the  hurricane  of 
1889.""  Congress,  after  an  examination  of  reports  and 
much  discussion,  appropriated  $500,000  for  protective 
measures.  On  January  17,  1888,  in  a  letter  to  Pendleton, 
replying  to  Bismarck's  complaints  as  to  the  anti-German 
attitude  of  Sewall,  the  American  consul  at  Apia,  Secretary 
Bayard,  reviewing  the  absorption  of  Pacific  islands  by 
European  powers  since  1840,  and  especially  since  1884,  was 
determined  that  only  the  American  Government  should 
preserve  Samoan  independence  and  maintain  the  rights  to 
which  the  United  States  had  become  entitled  in  any  of  the 
few  remaining  islands  which  were  still  under  independent 
and  autonomous  governments.'^ 

In  February,  1889,  Bayard  gladly  accepted  Bismarck's 
proposal  for  a  resumption  of  the  joint  conference  for  a 
tripartite  agreement.  President  Harrison  appointed  John 
A.  Kasson,  William  Walter  Phelps  and  George  H.  Bates  as 
plenipotentiaries  to  go  to  Berlin.  A  convention,"  concluded 
the  following  June,  provided  for  maintaining  the  neutrality 
of  the  islands  and  stipulated  that  the  three  powers  should 
refrain  from  exercising  any  separate  control  over  the  islands 
or  the  government.  It  contained  clauses  prohibiting  the 
sale  of  intoxicating  liquors,  establishing  a  system  of  regis- 
tering titles,  and  securing  to  American  citizens  equality  with 
others  in  trade,  etc. 

"  H.  Exec.  Doc.  vol.  viii,  No.  i,  51-1. 

="R.  L.  Stevenson:     In  South  Seas,  1888-89.     N.  Y.,  1896. 

"  On  American  rights  in  Samoa,  see  H.  Exec.  Doc.  238,  50-1, 
Apr.  2,  1888.  311  pp.  For  the  condition  of  Samoan  affairs,  see 
Sen.  Exec.  Docs.  31,  68  and  118,  50-2,  Dec.  1888  and  Jan.  1889. 
Also,  a  pamphlet  of  77  pages,  "  Confidential  correspondence  re- 
specting affairs  in  Samoa"  [December,  1888-March,  1889],  printed 
for  the  use  of  the  American  Commissioners  to  Berlin  in  1889. 

"  S.  Misc.  Doc.  81,  51-1,  Jan.  6,  1890. 


144      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [144 

The  principal  features  of  the  government  as  provided  by 
the  treaty  were  as  follows: 

(i)  A  single  king,  chosen  by  the  chiefs,  a  salary  of  $1800, 
instead  of  the  two  rival  kings,  who  had  received  $500  each ; 

(2)  A  supreme  court  with  a  chief  justice  nominated  by  the 
three  foreign  powers  (or  by  the  King  of  Sweden  in  case  of 
disagreement),  with  a  salary  of  $6000  guaranteed  by  the 
powers.  (The  clerk  and  marshal  were  to  be  paid  by  fees.) 
The  chief  justice  was  given  jurisdiction  of  all  Samoan  ques- 
tions arising  under  the  treaty,  between  the  treaty  powers, 
and  as  to  the  election  of  king,  and  could  recommend  the 
passage  of  laws.  He  had  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  suits  be- 
tween natives  and  foreigners,  or  between  foreigners  of  dif- 
ferent nationalities,  and  of  crimes  and  offences  committed 
by  natives  against  foreigners. 

(3)  A  local  government  for  the  district  of  Apia  (170 
electors),  consisting  of  a  municipal  council  of  six  members 
and  a  president.  The  president,  who  was  also  chief  execu- 
tive of  the  district  and  adviser  to  the  king,  was  appointed 
through  the  instrumentality  of  treaty  powers,  who  guaran- 
teed him  $5000  per  year  out  of  the  Samoan  revenues  as- 
signed to  the  municipaHty.  The  municipal  council  ap- 
pointed a  municipal  magistrate  and  subordinate  officers,  but 
its  orders  had  no  effect  till  approved  by  the  three  foreign 
consuls  or  (if  they  failed  to  agree)  by  the  chief  justice. 

(4)  A  land  commission  of  three  persons,  one  named  by 
each  power,  for  examination  of  claims  and  titles,  subject  to 
final  jurisdiction  of  the  chief  justice.  (Each  commissioner 
received  $300  per  month  and  expenses.) 

(5)  A  fiscal  system,  providing  for  revenue  duties  on  im- 
ports and  exports,  capitation  taxes  on  Samoans  and  colored 
plantation  laborers,  license  taxes,  etc.  All  taxes  collected  at 
Apia  were  to  belong  to  the  municipality,  and  those  collected 
elsewhere  were  to  belong  to  the  Samoan  Government." 

**  In  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  islands  this  provision  re- 
sulted in  leaving  the  government  without  adequate  means  of  sup- 


145]  Relations  with  Samoa.  145 

Though  the  Samoan  Government  accepted  the  treaty,  and 
the  chiefs  elected  Malietoa  king,  the  rebellious  symptoms 
of  the  opposition  party  gradually  increased.  The  natives 
remaining  inveterately  opposed  to  a  centralized  or  civi- 
lized government,  refused  to  pay  capitation  taxes  or  to 
obey  warrants  of  the  supreme  court,  which  opened  its  doors 
in  June,  1891.  Mataafa  and  his  turbulent  followers  con- 
tinued (1891)  to  gather  strength  and  to  live  in  open  defiance 
of  the  king  and  government,  keeping  up  an  armed  force, 
plundering  foreigners  and  plantations,  and  harboring  refu- 
gees from  justice."  In  July,  1893,  war  broke  out  and  the 
treaty  powers  actively  intervened  with  naval  forces  to  keep 
Malietoa  on  the  throne,  and  soon  deported  eleven  chiefs  to 
another  island,  where  they  were  kept  at  the  joint  expense  of 
the  three  powers.  Meanwhile  the  chief  justice  and  the 
president  of  the  municipal  council  of  Apia  resigned.  In 
November,  1893,  H.  C.  Ide,  an  American  member  of  the 
land  commission,  was  appointed  chief  justice,  but  he  found 
the  laws  silent  and  insurrection  constantly  threatening. 
Though  the  king  succeeded  in  repelling  his  opponents  in 
battle,  he  requested  that  foreign  war-vessels  preserve  peace 
and  security  (1894). 

Though  both  Bayard  and  Bates  had  contemplated  the 
necessity  of  assistance  from  the  powers  to  maintain  the 
government  established  by  the  treaty,"  and  Gresham,  as 
late  as  June,  1893,  had  informed  Pauncefote  that  the 
United  States  Government  would  "  join  in  an  active  dem- 
onstration against  Mataafa,"  President  Cleveland  sent  no 

port  and  became  a  subject  of  concern  and  discussion  among  the 
three  powers,  who  were  compelled  to  continue  their  pecuniary  sup- 
port of  the  government. 

"  In  January,  1893,  many  in  the  United  States  Senate  thought  we 
had  made  a  mistake  in  refusing  to  accept  annexation  or  extend  a 
protectorate  when  the  opportunity  was  offered. 

"  On  February  20,  1893,  Blaine,  in  a  letter  to  Pauncefote,  also 
stated  that  in  the  execution  of  the  spirit  of  the  treaty  of  Berlin  the 
treaty  powers  should  send  war  vessels  to  sustain  the  Samoan 
authorities  and  enforce  the  warrants  of  the  supreme  court  by 
proper  and  judicious  means. 

ID 


146      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [146 

war  vessels,  and  considering  the  islands  commercially  worth- 
less and  the  inhabitants  intractable,  in  his  messages  of  1893, 
1894  and  1895,  recommended  withdrawal  from  the  treaty." 
Though  the  treaty  of  1889  had  been  a  deliberate  act  of  na- 
tional policy  in  our  international  relations,  both  Cleveland 
and  Secretary  Gresham  urged  that  it  was  a  mistake,  ex- 
pensive, annoying  and  involving  us  in  entangling  alliances." 
Gresham  referred  to  the  Samoan  government  as  in  sub- 
stance and  form  a  tripartite  foreign  government  imposed 
upon  the  natives,  and  supported  and  administered  jointly 
by  the  three  treaty  powers.  On  May  9,  1894,  a  report  to 
President  Cleveland  said:  "It  is  in  our  relations  with 
Samoa  that  we  have  made  the  first  departure  from  our  tra- 
ditional and  well-established  policy  of  avoiding  entangling 
alliances  with  foreign  powers  in  relation  to  objects  remote 
from  this  hemisphere.  Like  all  other  human  transactions, 
the  wisdom  of  that  departure  must  be  tested  by  its  fruits. 
.  .  .  Every  nation,  and  especially  every  strong  nation,  must 
sometimes  be  conscious  of  an  impulse  to  rush  into  diffi- 
culties that  do  not  concern  it,  except  in  a  highly  imaginary 
way.  To  restrain  the  indulgence  of  such  a  propensity  is 
not  only  the  part  of  wisdom,  but  a  duty  we  owe  to  the 
world  as  an  example  of  the  strength,  the  moderation  and 
the  beneficence  of  popular  government.  .  .  .  The  whole 
trade  of  the  islands  is  of  small  value,  and  of  this  only  a  small 
part  is  with  the  United  States.  We  have  never  found  it 
wise  to  interfere  in  the  affairs  of  a  foreign  country  in  order 
to  trade  with  it."  ™ 

"  See  an  article  by  H.  C.  Ides  in  the  N.  Am.  Rev.  for  Aug.,  1897. 

"  The  Nation  said  the  result  of  the  treaty  arranged  was  con- 
tinual unrest,  disturbance  and  foreign  interference  and  opposed  the 
modern  mania  for  foreign  dependencies  at  great  distances  from 
our  shores,  stating  that  if  Samoa  belonged  to  any  system  it  be- 
longed to  the  Australian  system,  and  that  the  New  Zealanders, 
had  more  reason  than  the  United  States  to  complain  of  German 
meddling.     [Nation,  May  17,  1894.] 

**  For  Gresham's  review  of  American  relations  as  to  Samoa,  see 
"  Foreign  Relations,"  1894,  Appendix  i,  pp.  504-13.  Also,  Senate 
Exec.  Doc.  93,  53-2,  vol.  iv. 


147]  Relations  with  Samoa.  147 

The  long-range  government  of  refractory,  indocile  na- 
tives, with  all  its  perplexities,  under  the  international  joint 
protectorate  continued  to  be  unsatisfactory  and  expensive, 
but  no  better  plan  acceptable  to  all  could  be  suggested." 
The  death  of  King  Malietoa  Lampepa,  in  August,  1898, 
finally  produced  a  crisis  which  resulted  in  a  new  arrange- 
ment. The  election  of  a  successor  developed  a  contest  as 
to  the  validity  of  the  result,  and  rival  claimants  took  the 
field.  Chief  Justice  Chambers  (from  Alabama)  with  his 
great  power,  acting  by  the  terms  of  the  general  act,  ren- 
dered his  judgment  in  favor  of  Malietoa  Tanu,  and 
Mataafa,  encouraged  by  the  German  consul,  and  with  more 
followers  than  the  king  had,  took  up  arms.  Marines  from 
American  and  British  warships  intervened  to  restore  order.** 

Steps  were  taken  to  improve  relations  between  the  United 
States  and  Germany,  and  to  avoid  any  occasion  for  further 
friction  in  Samoa,""  a  joint  commission  of  representatives  of 
the  United  States,  Great  Britain  and  Germany  were  sent  to 
investigate  affairs  at  Samoa,  and  to  propose  a  remedy.  It 
soon  abolished  the  kingship  and  established  a  provisional 
government.  The  partition  of  the  islands,  as  Blaine  had 
planned  in  1889,  or  annexation  of  the  whole  group  by  a 
single  power,  appeared  to  offer  best  promise  of  a  satisfactory 
permanent  settlement. 


*  Foreign  Relations,  1896,  pp.  531-54;  also,  1895,  pp.  1126-59. 

"  The  Nation,  Jan.  26,  1899. 

"  William  Blacklock,  the  United  States  vice-consul-general,  who 
advocated  annexation  as  the  only  permanent  settlement,  in  a  state- 
ment of  his  views  for  the  commission  in  June,  1899,  said: 

"  The  mode  of  dealing  with  the  natives  from  the  beginning  by 
the  powers  interested  in  Samoa  has  been  calculated  to  make  the 
Samoan  a  most  important  individual  in  his  own  estimation.  Stacks 
of  proclamations  have  been  posted  and  endless  orders  from  war- 
ships been  issued,  but  none  has  ever  been  thoroughly  enforced, 
and  the  consequence  is  that  now  the  natives  ignore  proclama- 
tions and  laugh  at  threats  of  men-of-war.  They  imagine  them- 
selves unconquerable,  even  by  the  three  powers  combined,  and 
every  time  there  is  an  outbreak  they  go  a  little  further  than  the 
time  before." 


148      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [148 

The  United  States  was  determined  not  to  abandon  her 
interests  to  Germany  and  England.  The  latter,  however, 
agreed  to  retire,  in  view  of  compensation  by  Germany  in 
other  directions,  and  in  a  treaty  providing  for  a  discontinu- 
ance by  the  joint  protectorate  both  powers  renounced  (No- 
vember, 1894),  in  favor  of  the  United  States,  all  their  rights 
and  claims  to  that  portion  of  the  group  east  of  171  west 
longitude,  including  Tutuila  and  other  smaller  islands.  By 
the  same  convention  the  United  States  agreed  to  renounce 
all  claims  to  the  islands  of  the  group  lying  west  of  171,  thus 
giving  the  Germans  the  preponderating  force  which  they 
had  exercised  in  that  region  before  the  treaty  of  Berlin  was 
made.  She  received  a  guarantee,  however,  for  the  same 
privileges  and  conditions  as  those  possessed  by  Germany  in 
respect  to  commerce  and  commercial  vessels  in  all  the 
islands  of  Samoa.  Malietoa,  after  an  unsuccessful  protest, 
expressed  his  views  in  a  letter  to  the  London  Times,  in 
which  he  took  occasion  to  assert  that  the  civilization  intro- 
duced by  the  great  powers  in  their  annexations  in  the  islands 
of  the  South  Seas  is  inferior  to  the  primitive  state  of  those 
islands." 

The  American  flag  now  floats  over  the  naval  station  at 
Pango  Pango,  and  the  island  of  Tutuila  is  under  the  con- 
trol of  the  navy,  but  there  has  been  no  interference  with  the 
political  self-government  of  the  natives,  who  have  appeared 
delighted  to  pass  under  the  sovereignty  and  protection  of  the 
United  States. 

"  London  Times,  January  12,  1900. 


CHAPTER  X. 
OCCUPATION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 

The  Philippines,  which  have  recently  and  unexpectedly 
enlarged  the  sphere  of  the  United  States  in  the  Far  East, 
were  visited  by  Americans  at  a  very  early  date  in  our  na- 
tional history.  After  the  close  of  the  war  of  1812,  Secre- 
tary Monroe  took  steps  to  obtain  information  regarding 
conditions  there  and  to  secure  a  report  on  the  prospects  — 
for  trade.  In  March,  1817,  Andrew  Stuart,  who  had  re- 
sided in  Manila  since  1812,  received  from  President  Madi- 
son a  commission  as  United  States  consul  at  that  place. 
For  several  years  he  was  not  officially  recognized  by  the 
Spanish  authorities,  but  he  was  allowed  to  remain  and  was 
not  obstructed  in  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  a  consul.^ 
In  September,  1818,  he  reported  that  the  Spanish  authorities 
had  found  several  Americans  among  the  crew  of  the  Argen- 
titia,  a  Buenos  Ayres  privateer,  which  had  been  obstructing 
the  provincial  commerce  for  several  months.  Writing  to 
Secretary  Adams,  in  June,  1819,  he  stated  that  unless  inter- 
rupted by  the  "  proverbially  suspicious  government,"  he 
proposed  to  place  the  United  States  in  possession  of  Royal 
nautical  directions  for  the  guidance  of  galleons  and  for  the 
harbors  to  which  they  resorted,  together  with  charts  and 
drawings  showing  "  tracks  laid  down  in  unpublished  Span- 
ish plans,"  which  he  suggested  might  "  assume  an  aspect  of  ^ 
great  national  and  political  importance  and  utility  .  .  . 
should  the  amicable  relations  between  the  two  governments 
ever  be  interrupted  or  ruptured." 

About  the  same  time.   Lieutenant  John  White,  of  the 

*  Consular  Letters,  Manila,  vol.  i,  1817-40.     [MS.] 


150     American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.    [150 

United  States  navy,  after  arriving  at  Cavite  and  Manila, 
and  taking  breakfast  with  Stuart,  wrote :  "  The  spirit  of 
independence  which  has  recently  diffused  its  influence 
through  Spanish  colonies  on  the  American  continent  has 
also  darted  its  rays  across  the  Pacific  .  .  .  and  the  time  is 
perhaps  not  very  remote  when  it  shall  burst  forth  and  shed 
its  joyous  light  upon  the  remotest  and  most  inconsiderable 
islet  of  this  archipelago."  ..."  Perhaps  no  part  of  the 
world  offers  a  more  eligible  site  for  an  independent  republic 
than  these  islands." ' 

^  In  November,  1820,  Consul  Stuart,  writing  of  recent  na- 
tive maraudings,  murders  and  riots,  and  feeling  that  the 
Government  was  too  slow  in  declaring  martial  law,  sug- 
gesting that  the  recently  published  new  constitution  was 
too  liberal  to  the  natives  and  expecting  a  general  revolution 
to  result,  said  the  Filipinos  were  treacherous,  ungrateful  and 
"  insensible  of  any  favor  done  them,"  and  "  ought  to  be 
governed  rather  strict(ly)  to  keep  them  obedient  to  the 
laws,  make  them  industrious,  to  work  in  every  mode  against 

L  their  natural  and  old  inclinations."  *  At  that  time  there  was 
little  demand  for  American  goods,  but  by  1834,  Consul  H. 
W.  Edwards,  noticing  the  increase  of  imports  of  American 
manufacturing  goods,  said :   "  These  islands  will  eventually 

c  be  the  outlet  of  our  manufactures  to  a  great  extent." 
><rThe  United  States,  though  she  annexed  the  Philippines 
as  a  result  of  long-evolving  circumstances,*  acquired  them 
as  the  result  of  no  long-contemplated  plans.  In  1898,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  war  of  intervention  in  Cuba,  she  had 
"no  design  of  aggrandizement  and  no  ambition  of  conquest." 
Needing  a  naval  station  and  a  port  where  our  war  vessels 
could  find  protection  and  desiring  to  reduce  the  strength 
of  the  enemy,  after  the  declaration  of  war,  the  American 
Government  ordered  Dewey  to  destroy  the  Spanish  fleet  at 


John  White :    A  Voyage  to  the  China  Sea.     Boston,  1823. 
'  Consular  Letters,  Manila,  vol.  i,  1817-40. 
R.  H.  Bancroft:    The  New  Pacific. 


151]  Occupation  of  the  Philippines.  151 

Manila.     By  a  brave  dash  into  the  harbor,  we  soon  held 
the  key  to  the  Philippines  and  cut  off  communication  with 
Madrid.     To  hasten  peace  we  sent  an  army  of  occupation 
across  the  Pacific.     At  the  close  of  the  war,  though  we  had  • 
taken  up  arms  "  without  any  original  thought  of  complete 
or  even  partial  acquisition,"  the  presence  and  success  of  our 
arms  in  Manila  brought  our  republican  empire  new  oppor-^ 
tunities  which  she  could  not  wisely  reject,  and  new  duties 
and  responsibilities  which  she  could  not  courageously  and 
honorably  avoid.     Having  obtained  occupation  of  a  rich 
prize,  whose  value  was  well  known  by  European  powers    ^ 
that  would  have  seized  it  at  first  opportunity  without  hesi-  / 
tation,  and  seeing  the  value  of  a  permanent  establishment 
at  the  gates  of  the  East,  the  McKinley  administration  in  the 
peace  negotiations  of  1898,  accepting  the  logic  of  our  his-     . 
tory,  resolved  to  relieve  Spain  of  insular  dependencies  she 
had  only  held  with  a  weak  hand  and  which,  under  American 
control,  would  have  the  opportunity  to  enjoy  greater  free-^ 
dom,  and  would  give  the  American  nation  a  greater  place/ 
in  the  affairs  of  the  world. 

On  October  28,  1898,  the  American  Peace  Commissioners 
at  Paris  were  instructed  as  follows :  "  Territorial  expan-  ^ 
sion  should  be  our  least  concern;  that  we  shall  not  shirk 
the  moral  obligations  of  our  victory  is  of  the  greatest.. 
It  is  indisputed  that  Spain's  authority  is  permanently  de- 
stroyed in  every  part  of  the  Philippines.  To  leave  any  part 
in  her  feeble  control  now  would  increase  our  difficulties  and 
be  opposed  to  the  interests  of  humanity.  Nor  can  we  per- 
mit Spain  to  transfer  any  of  the  islands  to  another  power.' 
Nor  can  we  invite  another  power  or  powers  to  join  the 
United  States  in  sovereignty  over  them.  We  must  either 
hold  them  or  turn  them  back  to  Spain. 

"  Consequently,  grave  as  are  the  responsibilities  and  un- 
foreseen as  are  the  difficulties  which  are  before  us,  the  Presi- 
dent can  see  but  one  plain  path  of  duty — the  acceptance  of 
the  archipelago.  Greater  difficulties  and  more  serious  com- 
plications, administrative  and  international,  would  follow 


N 


152     American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [152 

any  other  course.  The  President  has  given  to  the  view  of 
the  commissioners  the  fullest  consideration,  and  in  reaching 
the  conclusion  above  announced  in  the  light  of  information 
communicated  to  the  commission  and  to  the  President  since 
your  departure,  he  has  been  influenced  by  the  single  con- 
sideration of  duty  and  humanity.  The  President  is  not  un- 
mindful of  the  distressed  financial  condition  of  Spain,  and 
whatever  consideration  the  United  States  may  show  must 
come  from  its  sense  of  generosity  and  benevolence,  rather 
than  from  any  real  or  technical  obligation." 

On  November  13,  the  following  additional  instructions 
were  sent: 

"  From  the  standpoint  of  indemnity  both  the  archipela- 
goes (Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines)  are  insufficient  to 
pay  our  war  expenses,  but  aside  from  this,  do  we  not  owe 
an  obligation  to  the  people  of  the  Philippines  which  will 
not  permit  us  to  return  them  to  the  sovereignty  of  Spain? 
Could  we  justify  ourselves  in  such  a  course  or  could  we 
permit  their  barter  to  some  other  power?  Willing  or  not, 
we  have  the  responsibility  of  duty  which  we  cannot  escape. 
The  President  cannot  believe  any  division  of  the  archipelago 
can  bring  us  anything  but  embarrassment  in  the  future. 
The  trade  and  commercial  side,  as  well  as  the  indemnity  for 
the  cost  of  the  war,  are  questions  we  might  yield.  They 
might  be  waived  or  compromised,  but  the  questions  of  duty 
and  humanity  appeal  to  the  President  so  strongly  that  he 
can  find  no  appropriate  answer  but  the  one  he  has  here 
marked  out." 

The  treaty  of  peace "  of  December  10  provided  that  Spain, 
beside  withdrawing  from  the  West  Indies,  should  cede  to 
the  United  States  the  archipelago  known  as  the  Philippine. 
Islands;  that  the  United  States  should  pay  to  Spain  the  sum 
of  $20,000,000,  and  that  the  civil  rights  and  political  status 
of  the  native  inhabitants  should  be  determined  by  Congress. 

The  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  on  February  6,  1899, 

•  Sen.  Doc.  62,  part  i,  55-3,  Jan.  4,  1899,  677  pp. 


153]  Occupation  of  the  Philippines.  153 

and  by  the  Government  of  Spain  on  the  19th  of  March  fol- 
lowing. The  ratifications  were  exchanged  on  the  nth  of 
April  and  the  treaty  publicly  proclaimed.  On  the  2d  of 
March  Congress  voted  the  sum  contemplated  by  the  treaty, 
and  the  amount  was  paid  over  to  the  Spanish  Government 
on  the  I  St  of  May.  The  United  States,  though  acting  on  "/ 
the  principle  that  "  there  must  be  no  joint  occupation  with 
the  insurgents,"  who  were  in  arms  against  the  Spanish  Gov- 
ernment in  the  Philippines,  had  from  the  time  of  American 
occupation  assured  the  people  that  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment desired  to  advance  their  interests  and  welfare.  On  - 
the  2ist  of  December,  after  the  treaty  was  signed,  the  com- 
mander of  the  forces  of  occupation  was  instructed  "  to  an- 
nounce and  proclaim  in  the  most  public  manner  that  we 
come  not  as  invaders  and  conquerors,  but  as  friends  to 
protect  the  natives  in  their  homes,  in  their  employments 
and  in  their  personal  and  religious  rights. 

With  a  desire  to  estabHsh  peace  and  order,  and  as  much 
self-government  as  was  "  compatible  with  the  welfare  of  the 
people,"  in  January,  1899,  President  McKinley  sent  to 
Manila,  Commissioners  Schurman,  Denby  and  Worcester, 
who,  in  association  with  Admiral  Dewey  and  Major-General 
Otis,  were  instructed  "  to  facilitate  the  most  humane  and 
effective  extension  of  authority  throughout  the  islands  and 
to  secure  with  the  least  possible  delay  the  benefits  of  a  wise 
and  generous  protection  of  life  and  property  to  the  inhab- 
itants." Before  they  reached  Manila,  Aguinaldo,  claiming 
that  a  United  States  officer  had  promised  that  the  islands 
should  be  independent,  directed  the  Filipinos  in  an  attack 
on  the  American  lines  and  precipitated  a  condition  full  of 
embarrassment  to  the  United  States  and  grievous  in  its 
consequences  to  the  islanders." 

Aside  from  an  ignominious  retreat,  which  would  have 
exhibited  a  "  nerveless  pusillanimity,"  and  abandoned  the 
islands  to  strife  and  anarchy,  making  them  an  apple  of  dis- 

•  Sen.  Doc.  208,  56-1,  Mar.  5,  iQOO,  173  PP-  + 


154     American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [154 

cord  among  rival  powers,  the  only  course  remaining  for  the 
United  States  was  to  subdue  the  unprovoked  and  wasteful 
insurrection,  preparatory  to  the  establishment  of  order  and 
the  reconstruction  of  the  government.     The  commissioners, 

r  in  their  report,  said:     "  Our  obligations  to  other  nations  and 
to  the  friendly  Filipinos,  and  to  ourselves  and  our  flag,  de- 

L  manded  that  force  should  be  met  by  force."  For  the 
restoration  and  mamtenance  of  order  in  the  Philippines, 
including  the  Sulu  peninsula,  the  recent  haunt  of  piracy, 
we  were  responsible  to  the  world.  To  renounce  the  au- 
thority which  we  had  accepted  tacitly  and  by  treaty,  and 
give  the  islands  an  independence  for  which  they  were  not 
prepared,  would  have  been  unjust  to  the  loyal  majority  who 
sought  American  protection.  To  have  declared  the  islands 
independent  under  an  American  protectorate,  would  have 
made  us  responsible  for  the  acts  of  the  insurgent  leaders 
without  the  power  to  control  them,  and  would  have  involved 
us  in  endless  tasks  of  adjusting  quarrels  between  factions 
in  the  islands  and  between  the  islands  and  foreign  powers.^ 
Judge  W.  H.  Taft,  professedly  an  anti-expansionist,  in 
a  speech  at  Cincinnati  on  March  5,  1900,  said: 

"  My  conviction  is  that  the  calm  investigation  of  the 
future  historian  into  all  the  conditions  existing  at  the  time 
of  taking  each  step  toward  the  present  situation  in  the  Phil- 
ippines will  lead  him  to  conclude  that  President  McKinley 
and  his  Administration  selected  in  each  crisis  the  only  alter- 
native which  a  due  regard  to  our  national  and  international 
obligations  would  permit." 

American  control  of  the  Philippines  will  mean  the  new 
dawn  of  freedom,  progress  and  civilization  to  the  islanders. 
During  the  declining  insurrection  the  islands  have  neces- 
sarily been  under  military  authority.  President  McKinley's 
policy  has  been  "  to  inaugurate  governments  essentially 
popular  in  their  form  as  fast  as  territory  is  held  and  con- 
trolled by  our  troops,"  beginning  the  work  of  reconstruction 

*  Sen.  Doc.  138,  56-1,  vol.  i  Qan.  31,  1900),  264  pp. 


155]  International  Situation  in  the  Far  East.  155 

by  first  forming  municipal  and  provincial  governments  and 
leaving  the  establishment  of  a  central  government  at 
Manila  for  the  last  step.  He  has  sent  a  commission  as  a 
substitute  for  military  government,  and  as  a  preliminary 
step  to  the  establishment  of  a  territorial  form  of  govern- 
ment when  it  may  be  possible  to  give  the  natives  the  right 
of  suffrage, 

*       * 

* 

The  changing  conditions  in  Asia,  the  mother  of  races,  are 
observed  with  interest  by  the  entire  world.  From  the  East 
to  the  Far  East,  fact  is  overcoming  fancy,  and  new  life 
takes  the  place  of  the  fading,  vanishing  pictures  of  the  past. 
Modern,  relentless  progressiveness  is  gaining  a  foothold 
in  the  land  of  Abraham,  Isaac  and  Jacob,  in  the  land  of 
Moab,  in  the  Garden  of  Eden,  and  in  the  homes  of  Con- 
fucius and  Buddha.  The  walls  of  Jerusalem  echo  the  pant 
and  screech  of  the  locomotive,  which  now  connects  the  Holy 
City  with  Jafifa  on  the  Mediterranean;  and  probably  it  will 
not  be  long  before  a  trolley  line  will  connect  the  site  of 
Solomon's  capital  with  a  line  of  steamboats  on  the  Dead 
sea,  which  has  so  long  remained  a  forsaken  solitude  in  the 
midst  of  a  desert.  At  the  other  end  of  Asia,  Japan,  since 
opening  her  arms  to  the  progressive  West,  is  thriving  with 
manufacturing  and  other  developing  industries,  and  has 
recently  stood  forth  as  the  little  giant  of  the  Orient.  In 
1894,  disputing  with  China  the  protectorate  of  Corea,  she 
sent  her  well-drilled  and  well-equipped  troops  to  sustain 
her  claims,  soon  occupied  all  Corea,  Port  Arthur,  part  of 
Manchuria  and  Wei-hai-Wei,  and  by  the  treaty  of  Shimon- 
osaki  (in  April,  1895),  induced  China  to  cede  Formosa,  the 
Pescadores,  and  the  peninsula  of  Liao-tung,  to  open  new 
ports,  to  permit  the  erection  of  Japanese  manufacturing 
establishments  in  the  empire,  and  to  agree  to  pay  a  war 
indemnity  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty  millions.  She  sur- 
prised the  world  by  the  rapidity  of  her  success,  but  she  was 


156      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [156 

soon  persuaded,  by  the  concerted  "  friendly  "  protest  of  Rus- 
sia, France  and  Germany,  to  modify  the  treaty  and  relin- 
quish Liao-tung  and  Wei-hai-Wei. 

China,  awakening  from  the  lethargy  of  ages,  observes  that 
the  face  of  the  world  has  changed,  and  is  preparing  for 
regeneration  from  a  long  rule  of  ultra  conservatism/  She 
will  soon  be  threaded  with  railways,  and  brought  into 
closer  touch  with  Western  civilization.  She  has  granted 
to  Great  Britain  the  privilege  of  building  railroads  in  the 
valley  of  the  Yang-tse,  and  has  made  concessions  to  other 
nations  for  roads  in  other  parts  of  the  empire.  In  1896, 
she  granted  to  the  Eastern  Chinese  Railroad  Company  the 
right  to  build  a  line  through  Chinese  Manchuria  (to  connect 
as  a  branch  of  the  Trans-Siberian  Railway),  to  develop  coal 
and  other  mines  in  the  adjoining  territory,  and  to  engage  in 
other  industrial  and  commercial  enterprises.  In  1898,  she 
granted  to  Russia  the  privilege  of  building  a  railway  from 
Vladivostock  to  Port  Arthur.  More  recently  she  agreed  to 
permit  the  construction  of  a  line  from  Mukden  in  Man- 
churia to  Peking,  and  three  lines  from  Peking  to  the  prov- 
inces of  Shansi,  Ho-nan  and  Hupeh.  Still  other  lines  are 
in  contemplation  to  connect  southern  China  with  Peking, 
with  French  Indo-China,  and  with  Burma  of  British  India, 

The  "  Eastern  Question  "  has  spread  from  Constantinople 
and  the  eastern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean  to  Persia, 
Afghanistan,  and  the  Far  East.  It  has  expanded  or  resolved 
itself  into  many  problems,  of  which  the  Chinese  has  recently 
become  the  most  prominent.  Of  the  nominally  independent 
countries  of  Asia,  i.  e.,  Turkey,  Arabia,  Oman,  Persia, 
Afghanistan,  Nepal,  Bhutan,  Siam,  China,  Corea  and  Japan 
— only  Japan  is  thoroughly  independent  in  fact.  European 
powers  have  zones  of  influence  in  all  of  the  others.  Turkey, 
in  need  of  a  better  government,  has  been  the  object  of  the 


*  A.  R.  Calquhoun:  China  in  Transformation.  Curzon:  Prob- 
lems of  the  Far  East.  Lord  Charles  Beresford:  The  Break-up  of 
China. 


157]  Internatimial  Situation  in  the  Far  East.  157 

deliberations  of  an  international  congress.  Central  Arabia 
is  inhabited  by  tribes  who  owe  allegiance  to  no  single  ruler. 
Oman  is  practically  an  English  protectorate.  Persia  is 
dominated  by  Russia  in  the  north  and  by  England  in  the 
south.  Afghanistan,  under  the  uncertain  rule  of  an  Afghan 
chief,  receives  a  subsidy  from  British  India,  and  permits  a 
Russian  flotilla  on  her  branches  of  the  Oxus.  Some  say 
that  occupation  or  protection  by  some  stronger  power  is 
apparently  the  only  relief  for  the  chaotic  conditions  which 
exist  from  the  Bosporus  to  the  Hindu  Kush.  China, 
though  not  in  the  same  political  condition  as  Turkey  and 
Persia,  sometimes  appears  to  be  preparing  herself  for  a 
coroner's  inquest  or  vivisection.  Her  internal  condition, 
together  with  her  relation  to  opposing  powers  with  con- 
flicting interests,  presents  a  serious  case  to  the  political  doc- 
tors, who  find  it  diflfiicult  to  agree  upon  a  remedy  to  effect 
a  permanent  cure. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  and  the  Slav  have  met  on  the  Plains 
of  Pamir,  the  roof  of  the  world,  at  the  western  gate  of  China. 
Only  a  strip  of  Afghan  territory,  twelve  miles  wide,  lies  be- 
tween them,  and  it  is  under  British  influence.  Afghanistan 
is  only  a  temporary  "  buflfer  "  between  them,  though  it  may 
be  of  little  value  to  either  except  as  a  basis  for  military 
operations.  With  half-completed  military  roads,  they  keep 
their  armies  like  bridled  steeds,  ready  to  prance  toward  each 
other  in  war-harness.  The  Anglo-Saxon  nation,  incessantly 
toiling,  cultivating  swamps  and  clearing  jungles,  driving 
back  famine  and  pestilence,  and  opening  the  tropics  to  the 
world,  has  extended  her  dominion  upward  from  the  south 
of  India,  secured  a  supreme  influence  in  Southern  Asia  from 
the  Red  Sea  coast  and  the  Persian  Gulf  on  the  west  to 
Siam  and  toward  Singapore  on  the  east.  She  has  peacefully 
expanded  over  Beluchistan,  and  extended  her  control  north- 
ward from  Calcutta  to  the  Himalayas  and  eastward  to  Siam. 
Still  further  east  she  possesses  Borneo  and  South  Sea  groups 
of  islands.  In  China,  she  is  already  established  at  Hong 
Kong,  has  a  shadowy  sphere  of  predominating  influence  in 


158      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [158 

the  Yang-tse  valley,  and  is  planning  to  secure  a  concession 
for  a  railway  from  Burma  to  Yunnan. 

The  Slav,  by  a  long  record  of  toil  and  privation  and  self- 
directed  effort,  has  colonized  central  Asia  and  continued 
eastward  with  half-accidental,  half-unconscious  progress 
across  the  continent.  Vast  Russia,  virile,  apparently  in- 
vincible, and  increasingly  predominant,  spanning  Europe 
and  Asia,  embracing  one-half  the  combined  area  of  the  two 
continents  (and  nearly  two  and  one-half  times  as  large  as  the 
United  States),  is  steadily  expanding  to  the  south  and  east 
along  a  wavering  frontier  of  10,000  miles.  She  is  strength- 
ening her  hand  in  the  Bosporus,  Syria  and  Palestine  and 
in  Persia,  which  offers  a  practicable  trade  outlet  to  the 
Indian  ocean,  and  an  advantage  in  case  of  conflict  with 
England.  If  England  and  France  would  permit,  she  would 
absorb  Turkey,  whose  capital  she  has  threatened  for  800 
years.  She  has  become  predominant  in  the  north  of  Per- 
sia, whose  territory  she  has  been  acquiring  for  100  years. 
She  has  consolidated  her  position  in  Turkestan,  elbowed 
China  out  of  Pamir  on  the  west.  The  more  England  has 
hindered  her  in  the  south,  the  better  has  she  established 
herself  in  the  east,  especially  since  the  Crimean  war.  In 
her  search  for  a  "  scientific  boundary,"  she  has  always  ad- 
vocated "  rectification  of  the  frontier "  as  a  remedy  for 
grievances,  and  is  now  in  possession  of  the  greater  part  of 
the  land  which  China  has  been  losing  since  1858.  Indent- 
ing Chinese  territory  from  Pamir  to  Manchuria,  she  has 
been  making  rapid  strides  to  occupy  the  position  once  held 
by  Genghiz  Khan.' 

Russia  is  now  at  the  beginning  of  a  new  era  in  her  his- 
tory. Since  1893,  she  has  been  consolidating  the  work  of 
the  early  venturesome  explorers  across  the  wilds  of  Siberia 
by  the  construction  of  a  trans-Siberian  railway  with  numer- 
ous stations  and  branches.  By  means  of  Jhis  road  she  is 
securing  a  more  rapid  colonization  of  Siberia — whose  fertile, 

'  Alexia  Krausse:   Russia  in  Asia  (1558-1899). 


159]  International  Situation  in  the  Far  East.  159 

productive  lands  no  longer  remain  locked  in  silence  and 
solitude — ^and  is  expecting  to  work  a  revolution  in  the  com- 
merce and  travel  of  the  world.  She  is  bringing  the  Far 
East  to  the  doors  of  Europe,  and  preparing  to  become  an 
oceanic  power.  After  a  struggle  of  200  years  to  reach 
the  open  sea,  and  a  port  free  from  ice  at  all  seasons  of  the 
year,  she  now  floats  her  flag  over  Port  Arthur,  southeast  of 
Peking,  and  is  attaining  the  freedom  of  the  seas. 

Russia  now  threatens  to  secure  an  advantage  in  the  trade 
of  China  by  a  process  of  gradual  absorption.  She  has  rap- 
idly become  a  manufacturing  nation,  and,  like  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States  and  other  powers,  is  seeking  new 
markets.  She  claims  a  sphere  of  influence  north  and  east 
of  Peking,  and  has  an  eye  toward  the  great  central  valley 
where  British  influence  is  still  predominant.  Knowing  that 
it  will  be  difficult  for  her,  under  equal  terms,  to  compete 
with  British,  American,  German  and  French  trade,  she  may 
undertake  to  secure  exclusive  privileges  for  her  traders  and 
for  the  exercise  of  her  influence,  and  perhaps  obtain  com- 
plete control  of  portions  of  China  under  an  exclusive  colonial 
system.  In  case  she  should  become  involved  in  a  conflict 
with  Great  Britain,  who  has  so  long  been  her  competitor 
and  antagonist  in  the  direction  of  Asia,  she  would  probably 
have  the  assistance  of  France,  who,  driven  from  India  by  the 
British,  and  profiting  by  fortunate  circumstances,  has  estab- 
lished a  new  French  empire  in  the  Indo-Chinese  peninsula 
(including  Cambodia,  Anam,  Cochin  China  and  Tonkin), 
and  has  a  sphere  of  commercial  activity  in  the  south  of 
China.  Russia  and  France,  should  they  form  an  alliance 
for  the  partition  of  China,  would  probably  be  resisted  by 
the  common  action  of  Great  Britain  and  Japan,  and  also  by 
Germany  in  case  such  action  should  seem  to  be  subor- 
dinate to  her  European  and  general  interests. 

The  United  States,  though  beginning  to  play  a  great  part 
in  the  Pacific,  and  having  trade  interests  in  the  Orient  which 
may  increase  rapidly,  desires  to  remain  free  to  act  inde- 
pendently, or  in  cooperation,  as  circumstances  may  indicate 


r 


160      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [160 

to  be  the  wisest  policy.  She  feels,  however,  that  her  posi- 
tion among  the  nations,with  a  large  Pacific  coast  and  a  con- 
stantly expanding  direct  trade  with  the  Far  East,  gives  her 
"  an  equitable  claim  to  consideration  and  friendly  treat- 
ment." She  finds  an  open  door  along  the  shores  of  south- 
ern Asia,  where  Great  Britain  has  control,  and  perhaps 
would  participate  in  active  cooperation  to  prevent  any  power 
from  securing  exclusive  commercial  advantages  in  China. 
She  "  has  not  been  an  indifferent  spectator  of  the  extra- 
ordinary events  transpiring  in  China,"  by  which  portions 
of  the  maritime  provinces  are  passing  under  the  control  of 
various  European  powers;  but  the  necessity  of  her  becom- 
ing an  "  actor  in  the  scene  "  has  been  obviated  by  the  pros- 
pect that  the  new  occupants  will  not  prejudice  American 
commerce   by  exclusive  treatment.' 

The  United  States,  through  her  prestige  as  a  territorially 
disinterested  power,  and  her  ability  to  speak  in  the  lan- 
guage of  unselfish,  powerful  diplomacy,  has  an  opportunity 
to  become  an  arbiter  in  a  peaceful  and  definite  settlement 
of  the  problems  of  the  Far  East,  securing  fair  dealing  and 
equal  opportunity,  and  preserving  the  honor  and  interests 
of  all.  Facing  Asia  as  well  as  Europe,  she  is  well  situated 
for  the  protection  of  American  interests  and  the  support 
of  the  independence  and  integrity  of  China  with  an  open 
door  to  commerce — a  policy  which  the  American  Govern- 
ment has  advocated  for  over  thirty  years.*  With  her  west- 
ern coast  ports,  the  Hawaiian  and  Philippine  islands,  and 
steamers  on  the  Pacific,  if  she  prepare  to  urge  an  open-door, 
non-partition  policy  in  China,  she  can  secure  her  share  of 
the  developing  trade  of  the  Orient. 

The  importance  of  securing  ports  or  establishments  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  coasts  of  Asia,  for  the  benefit  of  American 
commerce,  was  suggested  in  the  early  part  of  the  century. 
It  was  urged  in  1832  by  President  Jackson,  who  sent  Ed- 

"  President  McKinley's  message,  Dec.  5,  1898. 

*  Instr.  Germany,  Fish  to  Bancroft,  Aug.  31,  1869. 


161]  International  Situation  in  the  Far  East.  161 

mund  Roberts  to  negotiate  treaties  with  Borneo,  Siam, 
Cochin  China  and  Japan.  The  increase  of  American  in- 
terest in  the  Orient,  by  the  conditions  following  American 
expansion  to  California,  soon  resulted  in  a  determination 
to  secure  better  facilities  for  intercourse  with  the  Pacific 
and  the  Eastern  countries.  "  The  future  history  of  the 
world  must  be  achieved  in  the  East,"  said  W.  H.  Trescot, 
who  urged  (1849)  the  policy  of  an  Anglo-American  alliance 
as  a  means  to  prevent  Russian  designs  in  China  and  to 
"  control  the  history  of  the  world."  Senator  Seward,  ad- 
vocating surveys  in  the  seas  of  the  Far  East,  in  1852,  said: 
"  Who  does  not  see,  then,  that  every  year  hereafter,  Euro-  "7 
pean  commerce,  European  politics,  European  thought,  and 
European  activity,  although  actually  gaining  force,  and  Eu- 
ropean connections,  although  actually  becoming  more  inti- 
mate, will,  nevertheless,  relatively  sink  in  importance;  while 
the  Pacific  ocean,  its  shores,  its  islands  and  the  vast  region 
beyond  will  become  the  chief  theatre  of  events  in  the  world's 
great  Hereafter.  .  ,  .  Who  does  not  see  that  this  move- 
ment must  .  .  .  develop  the  American  opinion  and  influ- 
ence, which  shall  remould  constitutional  laws  and  customs 
in  the  land  which  is  first  greeted  by  the  rising  sun  ...  I 
cannot  reject  the  hope  that  peace  is  now  to  have  her  sway.^ 
.  .  .  Commerce  is  the  great  agent  of  this  movement.  What- 
ever nation  shall  put  that  commerce  into  full  employment, 
and  shall  conduct  it  steadily  with  adequate  expansion,  shall 
become  necessarily  the  greatest  of  existing  States."  Com- 
modore Perry,  on  his  route  to  secure  ports  in  Japan,  pro-"' 
posed  the  occupation  of  the  Loo  Choo  Islands  as  a  pre- 
liminary measure,  and  also  contemplated  the  extension  of 
American  jurisdiction  over  the  Bonin  group.  Later  he 
suggested  the  occupation  and  colonization  of  Formosa. 
In  1856  and  1857,  Mr.  Parker,  the  American  commissioner 
in  China,  suggested  to  Secretary  Marcy  the  policy  of  tak- 
ing Formosa  from  China  as  an  indemnity  [supra,  p.  98]. 
Marcy  had  just  been  making  an  effort  to  acquire  Hawaii, 
as  an  outlying  territorial  possession  with  no  promise  of 


] 


162      American  Relations  in  the  PaciHc  and  Far  East.     [162 

statehood,  but  he  was  opposed  to  the  seizure  of  Formosa. 
The  peaceful  negotiation  of  treaties  with  Japan  and  China, 
after  1857,  reduced  the  immediate  importance  of  securing 
ports  on  the  smaller  islands  as  proposed  by  Perry.  The 
annexation  of  Hawaii,  however,  continued  to  be  regarded 
as  a  measure  concomitant  with  the  increase  of  American 
influence  in  the  Pacific.  In  reply  to  those  who  opposed 
its  annexation  because  of  its  distant  insular  position,  Sen- 
ator Dolph,  in  1893,  said:  "We  must  abandon  the  doc- 
trine that  our  national  boundaries  and  jurisdiction  should 
be  confined  to  the  shores  of  the  continent.  We  cannot 
afford,  like  a  snail,  to  draw  our  heads  within  our  shells." 
At  the  beginning  of  1898,  Senator  Lodge  said  that  since  we 
had  made  the  citadel  secure,  we  must  not  now  neglect  the 
outposts. 

By  the  retention  of  the  Philippines,  the  United  States  has 
entered  upon  a  new  era.  Refusing  to  choose  a  policy  of 
isolation,  she  has  become  a  world  power,  and  a  leading 
factor  in  international  politics.  She  no  longer  stands  aloof 
from  the  Pacific,  "  the  historic  sea  of  the  future,"  *  as  she 
did  in  her  weak  beginnings  when  the  vast  unexplored  ter- 
ritories on  our  west  belonged  to  foreign  powers. 

Her  evolution  to  the  "  Great  Pacific  Power  "  appears  to 
be  but  the  logic  of  history.  Richard  Olney,  ex-Secretary  of 
State,  recently  referring  to  our  future  relations  with  the 
European  powers  struggling  for  commercial  and  political 
supremacy  in  the  East,  said  the  abandonment  of  our  "  inter- 
national isolation  "  policy,  which  was  only  suited  to  the 
period  of  our  infancy,  was  inevitable,  and  would  result  in 


* "  The  nations  have  their  toes  toward  the  Pacific."  They  have 
left  very  few  of  its  islands  unappropriated.  Since  the  race  for 
island-grabbing  in  the  South  Seas,  in  1884-86,  there  is  no  longer 
an  opportunity  to  occupy  fabled  regions  unexplored  in  the  Poly- 
nesian world.  The  nations  have  been  taking  time  by  the  forelock 
and  preparing  to  secure  positions  which  are  likely  to  prove  advan- 
tageous in  connection  with  the  swiftly  changing  conditions  in  the 
Orient. 


163]  International  Situation  in  the  Far  East.  163 

aiding  our  commercial  interests  and  the  widening  of  our 
mental  and  moral  vision  as  a  nation. 

The  constitutional  question  involved  in  the  acquisition 
and  government  of  the  Philippines  has  recently  been  the 
subject  of  much  discussion.  It  will  soon  be  a  subject 
of  decision  by  the  Supreme  Court.  The  American  Gov- 
ernment is  acting  upon  the  belief  that  the  islands  can  be 
governed  by  Congress  as  territorial  possessions  of  the 
United  States,  and  in  beginning  the  inauguration  of  a 
responsible  government  has  very  liberal  views."  It  pro- 
poses a  political  system  devised  for  the  interest  of  all  con- 
cerned and  administered  by  the  inhabitants  as  far  as  they 
show  a  capacity  for  self-government;  but,  if  necessary  to 
preserve  order,  the  islands  may  be  ruled  by  the  American 
Government  with  a  hand  as  strong  as  that  of  Jefferson, 
who  applied  his  "  despotic  "  non-representative  system  to 
Louisiana  against  the  protests  of  the  inhabitants,  who  re- 
quested him  to  send  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and 
the  Constitution  to  the  shores  of  the  Mississippi. 

America  faces  responsibility  and  opportunity  with  the 
same  spirit  of  confidence  which  animated  the  Fathers.  With 
her  face  set  toward  the  morning,  she  seeks  duty  with  the 
courage  of  the  optimist  and  the  ameliorator.  She  does  not 
let  her  aspirations  sink  before  the  predictions  of  the  prophets 


'In  his  message  of  Dec,  1899,  President  McKinley  said: 

"  The  hour  of  victory  will  be  the  hour  of  clemency  and  recon- 
struction. 

"  No  effort  will  be  spared  to  build  up  the  waste  places  desolated 
by  the  war  and  by  long  years  of  misgovernment.  We  shall  not 
wait  for  the  end  of  the  strife  to  begin  the  beneficent  work.  We 
shall  continue,  as  we  have  begun,  to  open  the  schools  and  the 
churches,  to  set  the  courts  in  operation,  to  foster  industry  and 
trade  and  agriculture,  and  in  every  way  in  our  power  to  make  these 
people,  whom  Providence  has  brought  within  our  jurisdiction,  feel 
that  it  is  their  liberty  and  not  our  power,  their  welfare  and  not  our 
gain,  we  are  seeking  to  enhance.  i.^ 

"  Our  flag  has  never  waved  over  any  community  but  in  blessing.      | 
I  feel  the  Filipinos  will  soon  recognize  the  fact  that  it  has  not  lost 
its  gift  of  benediction  in  its  world-wide  journey  to  their  shores."      ^_^ 


164      American  Relations  in  the  Pacific  and  Far  East.     [164 

of  disaster.  She  has  not  become  discouraged  by  the  gloomy- 
views  of  "  trembHng  ones  shrieking  at  the  self-conjured 
ghost  of  imperialism,  as  if  empire  could  grow  on  freedom's 
soil."  She  sees  no  reason  to  condemn  the  present  or  to 
despair  of  the  future.  She  observes  that  the  republic  has 
survived  the  predictions  of  disaster  made  by  those  who 
opposed  the  policy  of  Jefferson,  Madison,  Monroe  and  their 
successors.  She  asserts  that  the  Ship  of  State  under  sunny 
skies  still  has  her  anchors,  and  is  abundantly  able  to  meet 
new  conditions  in  world  movements. 

The  future  belongs  to  the  future.  Its  conditions  will  in- 
fluence the  shaping  of  policy  for  the  solution  of  problems 
as  they  arise.  But  America  has  no  element  of  exploitation 
or  imperialism  lurking  in  her  purposes.  With  high  and 
just  motives,  she  reaches  the  hand  of  helpfulness  across  the 
seas  which  she  wishes  to  transform  into  paths  for  ships. 
She  will  continue  to  embark,  venture,  explore  and  investi- 
gate, as  she  has  in  the  past.  She  will  carefully  survey  and 
feel  her  way,  and  construct  charts  for  those  who  follow. 
With  the  strenuous  spirit  of  the  pioneer,  she  advances  be- 
yond the  frontier.  When  she  reaches  streams  unspanned, 
she  will  build  bridges;  and  when  she  comes  to  bridges,  she 
will  cross  them. 

The  descendants  and  beneficiaries  of  those  who,  three 
centuries  ago,  animated  with  the  desire  to  found  an  imperial 
democracy,  faced  the  cold,  inhospitable  coasts  of  a  wild, 
uncivilized  continent  and  began  our  traditional  policy  of 
expansion,  may  confidently  face  the  problems  of  foreign 
policy  and  territorial  government  which  now  confront  them. 


APPENDIX  A. 

Instructions  to  Humphrey  Marshall  as  Commis- 
sioner TO  China  in  1852-53.^ 

Dbpabtment  op  State, 
Washington,  11th  August,  1852. 
No.  1.     Humphrey  Marshall,  Esq., 

ETC.,  ETC. 

Sir : — The  Department  [has]  already  communicated  to  you  your  Com- 
mission as  Commissioner  of  the  United  States  of  America  to  China. 

Tour  compensation  as  fixed  by  law  is  at  the  rate  of  Six  Thousand 
Dollars  ($6000)  per  annum.     .     .     . 

To  become  properly  conversant  with  the  business  of  the  Legation,  you 
will  have  recourse  to  the  correspondence  between  this  Department  and 
jour  predecessors  in  the  Mission,  recorded  in  its  archives.  Special 
instructions  on  important  subjects  between  the  two  Governments  will 
be  sent  to  you  from  time  to  time  as  occasion  may  require. 

During  your  residence  in  China,  you  may  sometimes  be  applied  to  to 
interpose  in  behalf  of  American  citizens  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
satisfaction  of  claims  which  they  may  have  upon  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment, or  the  redress  of  grievances  which  they  may  experience  in  the 
course  of  their  dealings  and  transactions.  In  cases  of  this  nature,  where 
the  intervention  of  this  Government  shall  be  proper  according  to  the 
public  law,  you  will  afford  such  official  aid  as  may  appear  to  you  appro- 
priate to  the  occasion  whether  you  have  special  instructions  from  this 
Department  or  not.     .     .     . 

I  am  Sir,  respectfully. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Dan"-  Webster. 

[1  China  Instr.,  pp.  76-79.]     ,     .     . 


1  Before  the  appointment  of  Marshall,  the  position  had  been  offered  to  three 
persons  within  one  year.  The  nomination  of  A.  K.  Nelson  was  confirmed  by 
thq  Senate  in  March,  1851.  Joseph  Blunt  accepted  the  place  on  October  20, 
1851.  On  February  24, 1852,  the  President  offered  the  place  to  Alfred  Conklingi 
of  New  York,  who  declined .  Marshall's  commission  was  sent  to  him  by  the 
Department  of  State  on  August  6, 1852.    See  p.  90,  supra. 


166  Appendix  A.  [166 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  30th  Sept.,  1853. 
No.  2.     HuMPHKBY  Marshall,  Esq., 

ETC.,  etc. 

Sir: — You  are  aware  that  some  of  our  citizens  now  or  formerly  resi- 
dent in  Cliina,  have,  for  a  long  time  past  had  claims  against  the  Chinese 
GoTernment.  The  cases  are  that  of  the  Kev.  Mr.  lloberts  for  losses  sus- 
tained by  a  mob  at  Canton,  and  that  of  Messrs.  Louis  Manigault  and 
Edward  Cunningham,  for  assault  and  robbery  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  same  city.  The  Department  is  not  in  possession  of  such  proof  as 
would  warrant  it  in  expressing  an  opinion  in  regard  to  these  claims. 
As  you  will  be  on  the  spot,  however,  where  all  the  evidence  that  can  be 
adduced  in  support  of  them  will  be  accessible  to  you,  you  will  be 
enabled  to  determine  whether  they  are  of  such  a  character  as  would 
warrant  the  official  interposition  of  this  Government.  It  is  possible 
that  the  Chinese  Government  might  require  proof  of  your  authority  to 
negotiate  upon  the  subject.  To  provide  for  this  contingency,  it  has 
been  judged  expedient  to  give  you  the  accompanying  full  power.  This 
will  enable  you  to  adjust  not  only  the  cause  above  mentioned,  but  any 
others  which  may  occur  during  your  mission. 

I  am  Sir,  respectfully. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

C.  M.  Conrad, 

Acting  Secretary. 
[1  China  Instr.,  pp.  79-80.] 

Department  of  State, 
Washington,  7th  June,  1858. 
No.  8.     Humphrey  Marshall,  Esq., 

ETC.,  ETC. 

Sir: — Your  despatches  to  No.  10,  inclusive,  have  been  duly  received  at 
this  Department. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  has  recently  received  additional 
information  of  the  successful  progress  of  the  Revolutionary  movements 
in  China.  It  is  also  apprised  of  the  intention  of  the  Government  of 
Great  Britain  to  avail  itself  of  the  present  condition  of  things  in  that 
country  to  obtain  "increased  facilities  of  intercourse"  with  it,  not 
exclusively  for  its  own  subjects  but  for  all  nations  and  it  has  suggested 
to  this  Government  to  send  such  instructions  to  our  Commissioner  there 
as  will  "empower  him  to  take  such  course  in  conjunction  with  Her 
Majesty's  Plenipotentiary  as  will  be  calculated  to  turn  to  the  best 
account  the  opportunity  offered  by  the  present  crisis  to  open  the  Chinese 
Empire  generally  to  the  commercial  enterprise  of  all  of  the  civilized 
nations  of  the  world." 


167]  Appendix  A.  167 

The  end  proposed  commends  itself  to  the  approval  of  the  President 
and  he  directs  you  to  do  what  you  can  within  your  proper  sphere  of 
action,  towards  its  accomplishment.  Our  treaty  stipulations  with  China 
must  be  respected  and  our  settled  policy  of  non-interference  in  the  con- 
tests which  arise  between  the  people  and  their  rulers  must  be  observed. 
Without  a  departure  from  these  rules  of  conduct  you  may  be  able  to  do 
much  in  such  a  crisis  as  does  or  may  exist  in  China  to  cause  an  abandon- 
ment of  the  unwise  restrictions  imposed  by  China  upon  foreign  inter- 
course. Without  knowing  what  course  the  British  authorities  may 
deem  it  expedient  to  take  in  furtherance  of  the  object  in  view,  the 
President  does  not  enjoin  upon  you  cooperation,  but  only  cordial  rela- 
tions and  free  conference  with  them. 

As  it  is  impossible  to  anticipate  here  what  will  be  the  condition  of 
things  there,  no  specific  instructions  in  regard  to  your  official  conduct 
can  be  given.  Your  own  judgment  must  be  your  guide  as  to  the  best 
means  to  accomplish  the  desired  object. 

In  the  agitated  state  of  the  country  the  property  of  our  citizens 
therein  and  their  rights  will  probably  be  in  unusual  danger.  You  will 
be  vigilant  and  active  in  affording  them  all  the  protection  within  your 
power.  The  naval  force  of  the  United  States  in  that  vicinity  will  be 
devoted  to  this  important  object. 

The  Department  requests  you  to  keep  it  fully  advised  of  the  progress 
of  events  in  China,  of  the  effects  of  the  Revolutionary  proceedings  there 
upon  our  interests  and  of  the  prospects  presented  for  a  more  free  and 
extended  commerce  with  that  country. 

I  am  Sir,  respectfully. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

W.  L.  Makcy. 
n  China  Instr.,  pp.  84-86.] 


APPENDIX  B. 

Government  of  Hawaii  as  a  Territory  of  the 
United  States.^ 

Congress  lit  providing  for  the  government  of  Hawaii  as  an  American  Terri- 
tory has  been  very  liberal.  In  the  original  bill  as  presented  by  the  commis- 
sioners who  visited  the  island,  strong  argument  was  presented  in  favor  of  a 
property  qualification  for  voters.  It  was  feared  that  natives,  with  suffrage 
unrestricted,  would  secure  the  control  of  the  legislature,  and  might  even  be 
able  to  override  the  veto  of  the  governor.  It  was  said  that  if  the  natives 
should  combine,  it  was  reasonable  to  suppose  that  no  white  person  could  be 
elected  to  a  legislative  seat. 

After  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy  a  property  qualification  had  been 
imposed  upon  the  electors  of  senators.  A  conservative  class  was  thus  pro- 
vided, and  held  the  other  house  in  check.  The  system  was  recommended  for 
continuation. 

The  Congressional  committee  to  which  the  Hawaiian  bill  was  referred  did 
not  retain  the  property-qualification  feature.  It  acted  upon  the  principle  that 
"  the  right  of  free  expression  at  the  polls  is  in  the  nature  of  a  safety  valve," 
and  that  citizens  of  Hawaii  should  have  the  right  to  participate  in  their  govern- 
ment, irrespective  of  tax-paying  ability.  Hawaii  had  already  shown  herself 
capable  of  maintaining  a  stable  government.  She  had  a  system  of  laws  based 
upon  American  laws.  She  was  familiar  with  Anglo-Saxon  institutions  and 
language.  She  had  voluntarily  placed  herself  under  the  sovereignty  of  the 
United  States.  Americans,  although  in  a  small  minority,  practically  dominated 
the  governmental,  financial  and  commercial  affairs  of  the  islands.- 

Congress  had  never  yet  required  a  property  qualification  in  any  of  the  terri- 
tories, (though  in  some  cases  there  had  been  reason  to  suspect  the  danger  of 
riotous  and  ignorant  legislation),  and  it  was  not  considered  necessary  to  make 
a  local  exception  in  the  case  of  Hawaii. 

1  See  p.  134  supra 

2  The  Hawaiian  Islands  are  now  occupied  by  the  following  races  and  nationalities  : 

Uawaiians  and  mixed  blood 89,C00 

Japanese 25,000 

Chinese 31,000 

Tort  uguese 15,000 

Americans  4,000 

British 'A250 

Germans  and  other  Europeans 3,000 

Polynesians  and  miscellaneous 5,250 

Total 109,500 

About  TOO  Chinese  have  been  naturalized  Into  the  Hawaiian  republic,  and  many  Chinese 
and  Japanese  are  there  under  government  permits  and  labor  contracts,  under  which  they 
are  bound  to  work  for  a  term  of  years  and  to  return  to  their  own  countries  at  the  end  of 
their  term  of  service. 

The  Chinese  and  Japanese  possess  no  political  power. 

The  Portuguese  are  largely  immigrants  or  descendants  from  immigrants  from  the  islands 
and  colonies  of  Portugal  in  the  Atlantic  and  are  not  closely  allied  in  sentiment  to  their 
native  country. 

The  public  school  system  makes  the  study  of  the  English  language  compulsory.  There 
are  132  public  and  60  private  schools,  and  education  Is  compulsory  and  free  as  to  all  public 
schools.  American  text-books  are  used  In  the  schools.  Thelanguageof  business  in  English 
and  the  decisions  of  American  courts  prevail  as  precedents. 


170 


Appendix  B. 


[170 


J  - 


GOVERNMENT 

OF  THE 

TERRITORY  OF  HAWAII 
(April  ao,  1900) 


Consists  of  Two  Houses. 
(Section  12) 
Provisions  common  to  both  houses : 
General  elections,  llrst  Tuesday 
after  first  Monday  in  November, 
1900.  and  biennially  thereafter  (14). 
Each  house  judge  of  election,  re- 
turns, and  qualifications  of  own 
members  (15).  Can  not  hold  other 
office  (16-17).  Oath  of  office  il9). 
Each  determines  its  own  rules. 
One-fifth  can  demand  ayes  and'i 
noes.  Majority  constitutes  quo- 
rum for  business,  except  on  final 
passage;  then  majority  of  all 
members  required  ( 23) .  Less  than 
quorum  may  adjourn  and  compel 
attendance  (23).  Each  house  pun- 
ishes members  (26).  Members  ex- 
empt from  liability  elsewhere  for 
words  (281.  Arrest  (29).  Salary, 
$400  each  session  and  10  cents  a 
mile  each  way ;  $200  extra  session. 


First  session,  third  Wednesday, 
February,  1901,  and  biennially 
thereafter  (41). 

Special  session  may  be  convened 
(43). 

Sessions  60  days  long,  except  that 
governor  may  extend  30  days  (43). 

All  proceedings  in  English  lan- 
guage (44). 

Bills  must  pass  three  readings  on 
separate  days  (46i,  and  final  pas- 
sage must  be  on  majority  vote  of 
all  members  by  ayes  and  noes. 

Governor  may  veto  appropriation 
bills  in  whole  or  in  part  (49). 

Bills  may  be  passed  over  veto  by 
two- thirds  vote  (50). 


"Shall  extend  to  all 
rightful  subjects  of 
legislation  not  incon- 
sistent with  the  Con- 
stitution and  laws  of 
the  United  States  lo- 
cally applicable." 


Scope  of 
power. 


Voting  for 
senators. 


Special  limitations 


May    create    counties 

and  town    and  city 

municipalities,     and 

provide  for  the  gov- 

1    emment  thereof. 


(  Composed  of  15  members ;  4  years  ; 
elected  f  i-om  4  districts,  alternat- 
ing 7  and  8  biennially  (30,  32). 
Vacancies  filled  by  election  (31). 
Must  be  male  citizens  of  United 
States,  30  years  old,  resided  in 
Hawaii  3  years,  qualified  to  vote 
for  senators  (34). 

f  Each   voter   may  cast 
Senate  •{  one    vote    for    each 

senator  from  district 
(61),  and  required 
number  of  candi- 
dates receiving  high- 
est number  of  votes 
shall  be  senators  in 
district  (61).  Voters 
must  ha\e  qualifica- 
tions of  voters  for 
representatives,  1.  e., 
male  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  resi- 
dence 1  year  in  Ha- 
waii, 3  months  in  dis- 
trict, 21  years  old 
(60-62);  must  registei-, 
and  be  able  to  speak, 
read,  and  write  Eng- 
l  L    lish  or  Hawaiian  (60). 

f  Composed  of  30  members,  elected 
from  6  districts  every  second  year 
(35).  Term  until  next  general  elec- 
tion (36,  38).  Vacancies  tilled  at 
general  or  special  elections  (37) ; 
must  be  male  citizens  of  United 
States,  25  years  old,  resided  In 
Hawaii  3  years,  and  qualiOed  to 
vote  for  representatives  (40). 

r  Each  voter  ma>  cast  a 
House  ■(  vote  for  as  many  rep- 

resentatives as  are  lo 
be  elected  from  dis- 
trict (59),  and  required 
number  of  candi- 
dates receiving  high- 
est number  of  votes 
are  elected  (59'.  Vo- 
ters, male  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  21 
years  old,  have  re- 
sided in  Hawaii  1 
year,  and  in  district 
3  months ;  ha\e  reg- 
istered, and  able  to 
speak,  read,  and  write 
L     English  or  Hawaiian. 

1.  The  legislature  shall  not  grant 
any  special  or  exclusive  privilege. 
Immunity  or  franchise  without 
the  approval  of  Congress. 

2.  It  shall  not  grant  private  char- 
ters, but  may  pass  general  acts 
governing  corporations. 

3.  It  shall  not  grant  divorces. 

4.  It  shall  not  grant  money  for  sec- 
tarian or  pri\ate  schools. 

5.  The  Government,  or  any  political 
or  municipal  corporation  or  sub- 
division of  the  Territory,  shall 
not  make  any  subscription  to  the 
capital  stock  of  any  corporation, 
nor  lend  its  credit  therefor. 

6.  The  legislature  shall  not  author- 
ize any  debt  to  be  contracted  ex- 
cept to  pay  interest  upon  existing 
indebtedness,  to  suppress  insur- 
rection, or  to  provide  for  the  com- 
mon defense— and  except  loans 
for  the  erection  of  penal,  charit- 
able and  educational  institutions, 

I.      and  for  public  works. 


Voting  for 
represent- 
atives. 


171] 


Appendix  B. 


171 


2.  TH«  BXBCUTIVK. 


Governor 

lSeo.66). 


f  Appointed  by  President  for  4  years  and 
until  successor  is  appointed  and  quali- 
fied. Shall  be  35  years  old  and  citizen 
of  Hawaii.  Salary,  $5,000  (93) :  $500  inci- 
dentals, traveling,  and  $3,000  for  private 
secretary. 

f  Shall  be  commander-in-chief  of 
militia;  may  grant  pardons  or 
reprieves  for  offense-*  against 
Territory  and  against  United 
States,  pending  decision  by 
President.  When  necessary 
may  call  upon  military  or 
naval  forces  of  the  United 
States  in  Hawaii,  or  summon 
posse  comltatus,  or  call  out 
militia;  may  suspend  writ  of 
habeas  corpus  or  place  Ten-i- 
tory  under  martial  law;  has 
veto  power;  power  of  removal 
when  not  otherwise  provided 
(80). 


Powers 
and  du- I 
ties     "^ 
L  (66,  67). 


Appoint- 


1.  Judges  circuit 

courts. 
3.  Attorney-general. 
3.  Treasurer. 


ive  power  -{   4.  Commissioner    of 
I.       (80).  public  lands. 

5.  Commissioner  of 
agrriculture. 

6.  Sui)erintendent  of 
public  works. 

7.  Superintendent  of 
public  instruc- 
tion. 

8.  Auditor. 

9.  Deputy  auditor. 

10.  Surveyor. 

11.  High  sheriff. 

12.  Members  board  of 
health. 

13.  Commissioners  of 
public  instruc- 
tion. 

14.  Boards  of  regis- 
tration and  in- 
spectors of  elec- 
tions. 

15.  All  other  public 
boards. 

Appointed  by  President  for  4  years  and 
until  successor  is  appointed  and  quali- 
fied.   Salary,  $3,000  (93). 

f  Shall  record  and  preserve  all  the 
acts  and  proceedings    of    the 
legislature  and  the  governor, 
promulgate  proclamations,  and 
transmit  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States  copies    of    the 
laws,  journals,  and  executive 
,     proceedings. 
Shall  act  as  governor  in  case  of 
I     vacancy    by    death,    removal, 
I     resignation,    disability    or  ab- 
l.    sence  of  the  governor. 
( Attorney-general  (71). 
Other         Treasurer  172).  ,    ,rox 

executive     Commissioner  of  public  lands  (id). 

officers        Commissioner  of  agriculture  and  foi-estry 
Appointed  J     (74).  , ,.  ,     ,_,, 

Vy  the      1  Superintendent  of  public  works  (75). 
Governor     Superintendent  of  public  instruction  ( <  6). 
for  4  years     Auditor  and  deputy  auditor  (77). 
(80).  Surveyor  (78). 

[High  sheriff  (79). 


Secretary 
(66). 


Duties 

and 

t  powers. 


173 


Appendix  B. 


[172 


3.  The  Judiciary. 

Hawaiian  laws  relative 
to,  are  continued  in 
force,  except  as  modi- 
tied  by  this  Act;  sub- 
ject to  modification  by 
Congress  or  legisla- 
ture (83). 

No  person  can  sit  as 
judge  or  juror  who  is 
related  by  affinity  or 
consanguinity  to  par- 
ties within  third  degree 
or  who  shall  be  inter- 
ested pecuniarily,  per- 
sonally, or  through 
relatives  who  are  par- 
ties (84). 


Federal 

District 

Court 

(86). 


f  1.  Supreme  court :  One  chief  justice  (salarj' 
$5,5(X)),   and    two     associates   (salaries 
$5,000),  appointed  by  the  President  of 
the  United  States  by  and  with  advice 
Hawaiian  and  consent  of  the  Senate  (83j,  and  hold 

Courts    ■{         i  years  (80). 
(81).  2.  Circuit  courts:  The  judges  are  appointed 

by  the  governor,  and  hold  for  4  years 
(80). 
3.  Such  inferior  courts  as  the  legislature 
j.         shall  from  time  to  time  establish  (81). 
'  President  of  the  United  States,  by  and  with 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  shall 
appoint  district  judge  (86).     Shall  have 
jurisdiction  of  cases  commonly  cogniz- 
able by  both  circuit  and  district  courts 
(86). 
Writs  of  error  and  appeals  shall  be  had  and 
allowed  to  the  circuit  court  of  appeals  in 
the  ninth  judicial  circuit  of  the  United 
States. 
\.<xj>.  District  attorney,  salary  $3,000,  and  mar- 

shal, salary  $3,5()0  (93),  appointed  by  the 
President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Senate  (86). 
The  district  judge  shall  appoint  a  clerk 
(salary  $3,000)  and  a  reporter  (salary  $1200). 

The  total  indebtedness  that  may  be  Incurred  in  any  one  year  by  the  Territorj',  or 
:any  such  subdivision  thereof,  is  limited  to  1  per  cent  of  the  taxable  property  of  the 
Territory  or  any  such  subdivision  as  shown  by  the  last  general  assessment ;  and  the 
total  indebtedness  of  the  Territory  at  any  one  time  shall  not  exceed  7  per  cent  of 
assessed  valuation ;  nor  shall  the  total  indebtedness  of  any  such  subdivision  of  the 
Territory  at  any  one  time  exceed  3  per  cent  of  any  such  assessed  valuation.  However, 
the  Governwent  is  not  prevented  from  refunding  existing  indebtedness  at  any  time. 

No  loans  are  to  be  made  upon  the  public  domain,  and  no  bonds  or  other  instruments 
•of  indebtedness  are  to  be  issued  unless  redeemable  in  five  years,  payable  in  fifteen 
years,  and  approved  by  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

Special  Topics. 

f  There  shall  be  a  delegate  to  the  United  States  House 
of  Representatives  (to  be  elected  by  voters  qualified 
to  vote  for  members  of  the  house  of  representatives 
of  Hawaii),  who  shall  possess  qualifications  of  mem- 
bers of  the  senate  of  Hawaii ;  time,  place,  and  man- 
ner of  holding  elections  fixed  by  law  (85). 
I  The;  Territory  shall  constitute  an  internal- revenue 
•      district  (87). 

I  The  Territory  shall  constitute  a  customs  district 
<  with  ports  of  entry  and  delivery  at  Honolulu,  Hilo 
'      Makukona,  and  Kahului  (88). 

r  Wharves  and  landings  shall  remain  under  control  of 
I      Hawaii,  and    revenues    derived    therefrom    shall 
I      belong  to  Hawaii,  provided  same  are  applied   to 
l     their  maintenance  and  repair  (89). 
The  quarantine  regulations  relating  to  the  importa- 
tion of  diseases  from  other  countries  shall  be  under 
the  control  of   the   Government  of    the   United 
States ;  but  the  health  laws  of  the  government  of 
Hawaii  relating  to   harbors  and  internal  control 
shall  remain  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the  government 
of  Hawaii,  subject  to  the  quarantine  laws  and  regu- 
lations of  the  United  States  (97). 


1.  Delegate  to  Congress. 


■2.  Internal-revenue  district. 


3.  Customs  district. 


4.  Wharves. 


5.  Quarantine. 


173]  Appendix  B.  I73 

f  Previous  residence  in  Hawaii  shall  be  deemed  equiva- 

I  lent  to  residence  in  the  United  States.    The  Ameri- 

I  can  regulation  requiring  a  previous  declaration  of 

6.  Naturalization.         ■{  intention  to  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 

I  etc.,  shall  "  not  apply  to  persons  who  have  resided 

I  in  the  Islands  at  least  five  years  prior  to  the  taking- 

I.  effect  of  this  Act "  (100). 

■  Chinese  in  Hawaiian  Islands  given  one  year  to  obtain 
certificates  of  residence  as  provided  by  the  Act 
of  Congress  approved  May  5,  1893,  and  amended 
Novembers,  1893 ;  but  "  no  Chinese  laborer,  whether 
he  shall  hold  such  certificate  or  not,  shall  be 
allowed  to  enter  any  State,  Territory,  or  District  of 
the  United  States  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands  "  (101). 


7.  Chinese  certificates 
of  residence. 


The  provision  (Sec.  6)  extending  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United 
States  placed  the  Chinese-exclusion  law  and  the  alien  contract-labor  law 
immediately  in  force  in  the  Territory  of  Hawaii. 

The  joint  resolution  of  annexation  provided  that  there  should  be  no  further 
immigration  of  Chinese  into  Hawaii  except  as  allowed  by  the  laws  of  the 
United  States,  and  that  no  Chinese,  by  virtue  of  anything  contained  in  the 
joint  resolution  of  annexation,  should  come  to  the  United  States  from 
Hawaii. 

8.  Hawaiian  public  lands. 

The  public-land  system  of  the  United  States  has  not  been  extended  to 
Hawaii.  In  some  respects  it  is  entirely  inapplicable.  It  would  be  difficult  to 
establish  an  arbitrary  rectangular  system  upon  a  peculiar  system  long  in 
practice. 

The  public-land  system  of  Hawaii  evolved  from  local  conditions.  The  lands 
are  already  occupied,  and,  from  the  very  nature  of  the  soil  and  character  of 
the  inhabitants,  are  cut  up  into  holdings  of  all  sizes,  the  shape  being  generally 
that  of  an  irregular  triangle,  with  its  base  on  the  coast  line  and  its  apex 
toward  the  centre  of  the  island. 

There  has  already  been  established  there  a  system  of  survey  adapted  to  the 
natural  formation  and  contour  of  the  islands.  For  illustration,  all  the  islands 
rise  from  the  sea  level,  in  some  parts  abruptly  and  in  some  parts  gradually,  to 
a  central  elevation,  and  for  purposes  of  cultivation  the  land  is  naturally 
divided  into  lowland,  fitted  for  the  growth  of  tare  and  rice;  next  above  this 
is  sugar  land,  next  coffee  land,  and  then  comes  grazing  and  timber  land. 

Up  to  1846  all  the  lands  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  belonged  in  legal  contem- 
plation to  the  king.  The  chiefs  and  the  people,  under  a  feudal  system  closely 
resembling  the  old  English  feudal  system,  held  their  respective  parcels  by 
rendering  service  or  payment  of  rent.  In  1846  King  Kamchameha  III. 
granted:  (1)  To  his  chiefs  and  people  certain  portions;  (2)  for  government 
purposes  certain  portions,  (3)  and  reserved  the  remainder. 

By  an  act,  June  7, 1848,  the  legislature  accepted  the  king's  grant  and  con- 
firmed to  the  king,  his  heirs  and  successors,  certain  described  lands  which 
were  thenceforth  known  as  crown  lands.  Under  an  act  organizing  executive 
departments,  a  land  commission  was  provided  whose  duty  it  was  to  receive 
and  pass  upon  the  claims  of  occupants  and  lands  to  their  respective  holdings 
in  that  portion  of  the  land  set  apart  for  the  chiefs  and  people.  This  com- 
mission heard  the  testimony  of  claimants,  caused  surveys  to  be  made,  and 
issued  to  the  occupants  entitled  thereto  certificates  called"  Land  commissloa 


174  Appendix  B.  [174 

awards."  Those  awards  established  the  right  of  the  grantee  to  the  possession 
of  the  land  and  entitled  him  upon  payment  of  one-fourth  of  the  value  of  the 
bare  land  to  receive  a  royal  patent.  These  awards  and  patents  issued  pursuant 
thereto  are  the  source  of  all  title  to  all  lands  not  public  lands  or  crown  lands. 

Hy  an  act  of  July  9, 1850,  one-twentieth  of  all  public  lands  are  set  apart  for 
the  support  of  schools.  These  lands  are  patented  to  a  board  of  education, 
which  was  empowered  to  sell  and  lease.  Part  of  these  lands  is  used  for  sites 
for  school  buildings,  part  Is  leased,  and  part  has  been  sold. 

In  1884  a  homestead  law  on  a  small  scale  was  provided  but  was  little  used, 
only  256  patents  having  been  issued  in  sixteen  years. 

In  1894,  the  legislature  passed  '*  the  land  act  of  1895."  By  this  act  the  crown 
lands  were  treated  as  having  vested  in  the  republic  and  were  placed  under  the 
control  of  a  board  of  commissioners,  composed  of  the  secretary  of  the  interior 
and  two  persons  appointed  by  the  governor.  They  are  now  embraced  as  public 
lands,  and  are  under  the  control  of  a  commissioner  of  public  lands.  They 
are  subject  to  alienation  and  other  uses  as  may  be  provided  by  law  (99). 

The  islands  are  divided  into  six  land  districts,  with  a  subagent  of  public 
lands  and  ranges  for  each. 

The  public  domain  is  divided  into  agricultural,  pastoral,  pastoral-agricul- 
tural, forest  and  waste  lands. 

The  commissioners  are  authorized  to  dispose  of  these  lands  in  the  following 
manner: 

1.  At  public  auction  for  cash  in  parcels  not  exceeding  1,000  acres. 

2.  At  public  auction,  part  credit,  in  parcels  not  exceeding  (500  acres. 

3.  Without  auction  sale,  in  exchange  for  private  lands  or  by  way  of  compro- 
mise. 

4.  By  lease  at  public  auction  for  not  more  than  twenty-one  years. 

5.  Homestead  leases. 

6.  High t-of -purchase  leases. 

7.  Cash  freeholds. 

Under  theactof  Congress  approved  April  30, 1900,  the  commissioner  of  public 
lands  takes  the  place  of  the  board  of  commissioners.  The  laws  relating  to 
public  lands,  the  settlement  of  boundaries,  and  the  issuance  of  patents  on 
land-commission  awards  continue  in  force  until  Congress  shall  provide  other- 
wise. But  "  no  lease  of  agricultural  land  shall  be  granted,  sold,  or  renewed 
by  the  government  of  the  Territory  of  Hawaii  for  a  longer  period  than  five 
years  until  Congress  shall  otherwise  direct."  All  funds  arising  from  this  dis- 
posal of  such  lands  shall  be  appropriated  by  the  Hawaiian  government  and 
applied  for  the  benefit  of  the  inhabitants  (73). 


SUBJECT  INDEX 


Acquisition  of  Pacific  is- 
lands; evolution  of  the 
American  policy  as  to,  12,  70, 
119,  126,  127-128,  130.  137,  141, 
151;  guano  islands,  69. 

Aleutian  Islands,  59,  70. 

Alliance,  American  policy  as 
to.  52,  68;  Anglo-American, 
proposed.  90.  95.  97,  98,  100. 

American  maritime  enterprise, 
early,  13. 

Anglo-American  interests  in  the 
Far  East,  cooperation,  14,  98, 

104,  107;  proposed  alliance. 
[See  "  Alliance."] 

Astoria.  30. 

Behring  Sea.  33.  58. 

Bonin  Islands,  61,  et  seq. ;  Per- 
ry's policy  for  a  colony  on, 
63;  proposition  to  take  pos- 
session of,  64;  question  of 
ownership,  65. 

Borneo,  74.  157. 

China,  earliest  American  trade 
in,  10,  13,  84;  Major  Shaw, 
first  American  consul  to,  14: 
early  American  voyages  to. 
21.  23;  restricted  trade  policy 
of,  85;  reformed  methods  of, 
after  "  Opium  War,"  86; 
American  policy  as  to,  83.  99. 
loi,  104.  108.  109.  no.  [see 
"  Far  East  "] ;  American  ne- 
gotiations with,  87,  91.  et  seq., 
94.  97.   102;   treaties  with.  88, 

105,  109;  Taiping  rebellion  in. 
91  et  seq.,  96;  indications  of 
change  in,  156;  and  the  Rus- 
sian policy,  159. 

Chinese    diplomacy;   87.   92.   94. 

102. 
Cochin  China,  74. 


Colonial  establishments,  distant 
— feared  by  the  Senate,  52; 
suggested,  61;  the  Bonin 
Island  colony,  60  et  seq.;  fav- 
ored by  Perry,  65,  67. 

Colonies,  marine,  54. 

Corea,  111-113;  need  of  reforms 
in,  112. 

Corsairs,  Peruvian,  10,  25. 

Deserters,  39,  40,  42,  48,  64. 
Discipline    of    crews,    necessity 

for  strict,  29,  37. 
Discovery,  of  islands  by  Ingra- 

ham,    19;    expeditions    of,    24. 

55,  58. 

Eastern  and  Far  Eastern  ques- 
tions, 155. 

Expansion  to  California  and 
Oregon,  effect  on  the  Ameri- 
can policy  in  the  Pacific,  76, 
78,  89,  90.' 

Exploring  Expedition,  U.  S., 
suggested,  24,  50;  petitions 
for,  50;  discussed  in  Congress, 
51  et  seq.;  opposed  by  Sen- 
ate, 52;  authorized,  53:  pur- 
poses of,  53-55;  delay,  causes 
of,  54:  organized,  55;  work  of. 

56,  58;  results,  58. 

Far  East,  earliest  American  ne- 
gotiations for  ports  in,  11,  48; 
increase  of  American  concern 
in  the,  91;  Anglo-American 
interests  in,  14,  90;  American 
opportunity  and  duty  in,  12, 
no,  159,  160,  162;  and  the 
Eastern  questions,  155.  156; 
recent  changes  in,  155;  Rus- 
sian plans  as  to,  159. 

Fiji   Islands,  24.  43,  45.   53-   55. 

57,  69. 

Fisheries,  as  a  school  for  Amer- 
ican seamen,  13. 


176 


Subject  Index. 


[176 


Foreign  policj',  91.  [See 
"  China,"  "  Japan,"  "  Samoa," 
and  "  Hawaii."] 

Formosa,  66,  67;  proposed  oc- 
cupation of,  98,  99. 

Galapagos  Islands,  48.  60. 

Great  Britain,  American  coop- 
eration with,  14,  98,  104,  107; 
proposed  alliance  with,  90,  95, 
97.  98.  100;  and  Russian  ri- 
valry in  Asia,  157. 

Guano  Islands,  69. 

Hawaii  [see  "Sandwich 
Islands"],  Americanization 
of,  114-134;  early  policy  of  the 
U.  S.  as  to,  114,  117;  develop- 
ment of  annexation  policy, 
119-123,  125,  126,  128,  130-131; 
American  treaties  with,  40, 
118.  (123),  (124).  127;  consti- 
tutional history  notes,  131- 
134;  present  territorial  gov- 
ernment,  168.     [Appendix.] 

Ingraham's  voyage,  17;  discov- 
ery of  islands,  19;  trade,  20. 

Intervention,  suggested  as  to 
Japan,  77;  suggested  as  to 
China,  95. 

Isolation  policy,  favored,  52, 
•     138;  opposed,  90,  162. 

Isthmian  transit  routes,  need  of. 
40. 

Japan,  foreign  policy  of,  72  et 
seq. ;  early  American  voyages 
to,  73  et  seq.;  American  de- 
termination to  secure  inter- 
course with,  76;  Perry's  ex- 
pedition to,  78  et  seq.;  nego- 
tiation of  treaties  with,  81,  82, 


Lobos  Islands,  24,  69. 

Loo  Choo  Islands,  proposed  oc- 
cupation of,  65.  78;  Perry  at, 
80. 

Madison  Island  (Nukuhiva), 
discovered  by  Ingraham,  19; 
occupation  by  Capt.  Porter, 
26;  American  intervention  in, 
27;  visited  by  the  J^incennes, 
41- 


Manila,  lO,  44,  58. 

Marquesas  Islands,   18. 

Midway  Islands,  70. 

Monroe  doctrine,  and  the  Pa- 
cific coast,  35;  and  policy  in 
the  Pacific,  52;  and  the  Far 
East,  90,  no;  and  Samoa,  138, 
146. 

Morrell's  voyages  and  adven- 
tures, 43-45- 

Muscat,  74. 

Mutiny,  28,  38,  48. 

Natives  of  islands,  character  of. 
18,  19,  28,  44,  47,  53. 

Naval  and  coaling  stations,  66. 
70,  77,  125,  137,  139.  150. 

Navy,  operations  in  the  Pacific, 
10,  II,  25,  39-42,  47,  55,  59,  76, 
79,  98,  107,  III,  129,  130,  136, 
143,  150;  need  of  increase,  54, 

59- 
Northwest  coast,  early  com- 
mercial enterprise  between 
China  and,  13;  Jefferson's  in- 
terest in.  14,  30;  the  Colum- 
bia at  Nootka,  16;  conflict- 
ing national  claims  on,  20.  31. 
[See  "  Pacific  Coast."] 

"  Open  door,"  66,  91,  no,  160. 
Orient,     unlocking    the,    72    et 

seq.:    American    duty    in,     12. 

no,  159,  160,  162. 

Pacific,  the;  early  European 
voyages  to,  9;  early  American 
voyages  to,  10;  beginning  of 
the  American  navy  in,  10,  li; 
Wilkes'  expedition  to.  11,  55; 
increase  of  American  interests 
in,  32;  need  of  a  larger  navy 
in,  54,  59;  poHcy  as  to  acquir- 
ing islands  in,  12,  70.  no.  126. 
127-128,  130,  137,  141,  151; 
guano  islands  of,  69. 

Pacific  coast,  the;  increase  of 
American  interest  on,  30; 
proposed  plan  for  settlement 
of,  32;  desire  to  acquire  ports 
on,  35;  and  the  Monroe  doc- 
trine, 35;  acquisition  of  Cali- 
fornia, 36.  [See  "  North- 
west coast."] 

Peel  Island  colony,  61  et  seq. 


177] 


Subject  Index. 


177 


Peruvian  Corsairs,  lo,  25. 

Philippines,  10,  56,  149-155;  and 
American  opportunity  in  the 
Far  East,  iio,  155-164;  early 
American  interest  in,  149;  oc- 
cupation, 151;  cession  by 
Spain,  152;  American  respon- 
sibility and  policy  in,  153-155, 
163-164. 

Pioneers  in  trade  and  discov- 
ery, 13  et  seq. 

Piracy,  23,  40,  109. 

Russia,  claims  in  the  North  Pa- 
cific, 31,  33;  American  trea- 
ties with,  34;  settlements  of 
early  American  trade  with,  22, 
33;  and  British  rivalry  in 
Asia,  157;  expansion  policy 
of,  158. 

Samoa,  46,  55,  57;  strategic  po- 
sition of,  136;  proposed 
American  protection  or  an- 
nexation of,  137,  140;  inter- 
nal troubles,  138,  140,  142, 
14s;  treaty  with,  139;  inter- 
national complications  in,  142, 
147;  tripartite  arrangement 
for,  140,  143;  partition  of,  148. 

Sandwich  Islands,  early  Ameri- 
can vessels  at,  16,  40,  41,  42, 
43;  early  traffic  with,  17;  In- 
graham  at,  19,  21;  native  wars 
in,  19;  a  resort  for  traders 
and  whalers,  22;  and  Astoria 
settlement,  31;  Russian  de- 
signs in,  32;  a  depot  for  sup- 
plies, 39;  treaty  with,  40;  im- 
portance to  American  inter- 
ests,   40;    difficulties    of    mis- 


sionaries in,  39,  115;  sources 
of  dispute  in,  43.  [See  "  Ha- 
waii."] 

Sealing  in  the  South  Pacific,  22, 
23- 

Shipwrecks,   24,  45,  47,   53,    58, 

74,  75. 

Siam,  TT 

Society  Islands,  41,  53,  55. 

South  America,  west  coast  of; 
American  influence  on,  10,  25, 
34;  agitated  by  the  appear- 
ance of  the  Columbia,  16. 

Sulu  Sea,  56,  58. 

Sumatra,  47,  53. 

Tahiti,  41,  56. 

Trade,  direct  Chinese-North- 
west; American  control  of, 
21;  influence,  22. 

Voyages,  (special);  of  the  Em- 
press of  China,  13;  of  the  Co- 
lumbia, etc.,  15;  of  the  Hope, 
17  et  seq.;  of  the  Betsey,  23; 
of  the  Aspasia,  23;  of  the  Es- 
sex, 25;  of  the  Dolphin,  39;  of 
the  Vincennes,  41;  of  the  Ant- 
arctic, 43 ;  of  the  Margaret  Oak- 
ley, 44;  of  the  Potomac,  47. 

Wake  Island,  24,  69. 
Washington    Island,     Ingraham 

at,  20. 
Whalers,    early    relations    with 

the  natives,  37  et  seq. 
Whaling     interests,     American, 

10,  22,  50;  protection  by  Capt. 

Porter,  10,  26. 
World  Power,  United  States  as 

a,  12,  no,  i'?9,  162. 


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